■ 


MODERN  PROVENCAL 


PHONOLOGY  AND  MORPHOLOGY 


O 

I 


n 

ru 
ru 

r 
■n 

STUDIED  IN  THE  LANGUAGE  OF 
FREDERIC  MISTRAL 


BY 


HARRY  EGERTON  FORD,  Ph,D. 


I? 


COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

1921 


All  rights  reserved 


.f--::-- 


Columbia  TUntvccsiti? 

STUDIES   IN   ROMANCE   PHILOLOGY  AND 
LITERATURE 


MODERN    PROVENCAL 
PHONOLOGY   AND    MORPHOLOGY 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
SALES  AGENTS 

NEW  YORK 

LEMCKE   &   BUECHNER 
30.32  East  2oth  Street 

LONDON 

HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
Amen  Corner,  E.G. 

SHANGHAI 

EDWARD  EVANS  &  SONS,  Ltd. 
30  North  Szechuen  Road 


MODERN  PROVENCAL 
PHONOLOGY  AND  MORPHOLOGY 

STUDIED  IN  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  , , . 

FREDERIC  MISTRAL,..  ;      , 

J  )      >      >    '      \ 


BY 


HARRY  EGERTON  FORD,  Ph.D. 


COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1921 

All  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1 92 1 
By  Columbia  University  Press 


Printed  from  type.     Published  August,  1921 


PRESS  OF 

THE  NEW  ERA  PRINTING  COMPANY 

LANCASTER,  PA. 


r 


PREFACE 

In  the  course  of  my  studies  at  Johns  Hopkins  University  in 
1897,  a  remark  of  Professor  A.  Marshall  Elliot  directed  my  atten- 
tion to  the  works  of  the  Felihrige.  My  interest  was  linguistic 
rather  than  literary,  and  I  soon  found  myself  attracted  to  Frederic 
Mistral,  the  central  figure  in  the  entire  felibreen  movement. 
Desiring  authoritative  guidance,  I  addressed  inquiries  to  the  poet 
himself  and  received  from  him  a  very  encouraging  letter  containing 
much  useful  information.  He  also  put  me  in  communication 
with  M.  Jules  Ron j  at,  at  that  time  secretary  of  the  consistory  of 
the  Felihrigey  to  whom  I  feel  greatly  indebted  for  information  on 
difficult  points  of  pronunciation.  My  studies,  interrupted  by 
pressure  of  work,  were  resumed  some  time  ago,  and  an  added 
incentive  was  given  by  a  trip  to  Provence  in  the  summer  of  1920 
when  I  visited  Maillane,  the  home  of  Mistral,  and  also  spent  some 
time  at  the  Musee  Arlaten  at  Aries.  In  this  museum  Mistral  and 
the  other  Feltbres  have  assembled  many  documents  and  relics  of 
the  old  life  of  Provence.  No  one  visiting  Aries  can  fail  to  appre- 
ciate the  position  held  by  Mistral  in  the  life  of  southern  France. 
Inasmuch  as  the  language  of  Mistral  has  had  a  determining  in- 
fluence on  the  forms  of  Modern  Provencal  in  general,  this  study  has 
been  restricted  to  an  investigation  of  his  linguistic  usage.  I  wish 
here  to  express  my  appreciation  of  the  many  helpful  suggestions 
given  me  by  Dr.  H.  A.  Todd  of  Columbia  University. 


fy^y^M  ym.fiy 


ABBREVIATIONS 

Adams  =  Adams,  Word  Formation  in  Provencal,  New  York,  19 13. 
Bk.  Lat.  =  Book  Latin. 

Grandgent  =  Grandgent,  Old  Provengal,  Boston,  1905. 
Koschwitz  Gr.  =  KoschwitZj  Grammaire  historique  de  la  langue  des 

Felibres,  Avignon,  1894. 
Meyer-Lubke  =  Meyer-Lubke,  Grammaire  des  langues  romanes. 
Meyer-Liibke,  Castro  =  Meyer- Liibke,  Introduccion  al  esttuiio  de 

la  linguistica  romance,  Madrid,  19 14. 
Meyer-Liibke,   It.   Gr.  =  Meyer-Lubke,  Italienische  Grammatik, 

Leipzig,  1890. 
Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.  =  Meyer-Liibke,  Romanisches  Etymologisches 

Worterbuch,  Heidelberg,  1911-1920. 
Mod.  Fr.  =  Modern  French. 
Nyrop  =  Nyrop,   Grammaire  historiqtce  de  la  langue  frangaise, 

Copenhague,  19 14. 
Old  Prov.  =  Old  Provengal. 
Pidal  =  Pidal,  Manual  elemental  de  gramdtica  historica  espanola> 

Madrid,  1905. 
Rounjat    Ourt.  =  Ronjat,     UOurtogrdfi    prouvengalo,    Avignon, 

1908. 


VI 


.       ■>  '  ' 


MODERN  PROVENCAL  PHONOLOGY  AND 

MORPHOLOGY 


INTRODUCTION 

1.  The  language  studied  in  this  dissertation  is  that  used  by- 
Mistral,  and  the  examples  used  to  illustrate  the  various  phenomena 
have  been  drawn,  with  few  exceptions,  from  his  works.  In 
cases  where  examples  were  lacking  or  insufficient  the  author  has 
drawn  upon  Mistral's  Tresor  dou  Felibrtge. 

2.  In  his  Tresor,  under  the  word  dialeite,  Mistral  gives  the 
following  classification  of  the  principal  dialects  of  the  modern 
langue  d'oc: 

Les  principaux  dialectes  de  la  langue  d'Oc  modemes  sont:  le  provengal,  le 
languedocien,  le  gascon,  I'aquitain,  le  limousin,  I'auvergnat  et  le  dauphinois. 
Le  Provencal  a  pour  sous-dialectes :  le  rhodanien,  le  marseillais,  Talpin,  et  le 
ni^ard.  Le  languedocien  a  pour  sous-dialectes:  le  cevenol,  le  montpellierain, 
le  toulousain  et  le  rouergat.  Le  gascon  a  pour  sous-dialectes:  I'armagnagnais, 
I'ariegeois,  I'agenais  et  le  quercinois.  L'aquitain  a  potu*  sous-dialectes:  le 
beamais,  le  marensin,  le  bordelais,  et  le  bazadais.  Le  limousin  a  pour  sous- 
dialectes:  le  bas-limousin,  le  haut-limousin,  le  perigourdin  et  le  marchois. 
L'auvergnat  a  pour  sous-dialectes:  le  cantalien,  le  limagnien,  le  velaunien  et  le 
forezien.  Le  dauphinois  a  pour  sous-dialectes:  le  briangonnais,  le  diois,  le 
valentinois  et  le  vivarais.  Nous  ne  mentionnons  pas  dans  cette  classification 
les  nombreuses  varietes  qui  servent  de  transitions  aux  dialectes  sus-nommes 
et  qui  procedent  des  uns  et  des  autres,  tels  que  le  biterrois,  le  narbonnais,  le 
carcassonnais,  le  castrais,  I'albigeois,  le  grenoblois,  le  tricastin,  etc." 

The  above  classification  immediately  suggests  a  question  as 
to  what  Mistral  understands  by  the  word  dialect.  Does  he  in 
common  with  Groeber,  Horning,  Ascoli,  etc.,  maintain  that  from 
the  beginning  in  the  Romance  field  there  existed  linguistic  dis- 
tricts, the  language  of  which,  while  differing  from  one  point  to 
another,  presents  to  the  observer  certain  distinct  features  that 
are  characteristic,  and  the  greater  part  of  which  are  found  in  all 
portions  of  the  district?  Or  does  he  support  the  doctrine  adopted 
by  Gaston  Paris,  Gilli^ron,  Suchier  and  Meyer-Liibke  (Brunot, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  296-304)  ?  Paul  Meyer  first  stated  this  doctrine  many 
years  ago  (Romania  Vol.  IV,  pp.  293-294)  and  he  concludes  as 
follows : 

"II  s'ensuit  que  le  dialecte  est  une  esp^ce  bien  plut6t  artificielle  que  naturelle; 
que  toute  definition  du  dialecte  est  une  definitio  nominis  et  non  une  definitio  ret. 

I 


t  r  f 


2,.       '   -.  MODERN  PROVHNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 


C'est  pourquoi  je  suis  convaincu  que  le  meilleur  moyen  de  faire  apparaitre  sous 
son  vrai  joiu*  la  variete  du  roman  consiste  non  pas  a  tracer  des  circonscriptions 
marquees  par  tel  ou  tel  fait  linguistique,  mais  k  indiquer  sur  quel  espace  de 
terrain  regne  chaque  fait." 

Judging  from  the  last  sentence  of  the  above  quoted  extract 
from  Mistral  it  would  seem  that  he  has  used  the  word  dialect 
relatively,  with  a  full  consciousness  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  term. 
However  that  may  be,  his  classification  gives  a  good  idea  of  the 
great  variety  found  in  the  southern  field. 

Of  the  numerous  dialects  mentioned  in  Mistral's  classification, 
one,  which  he  calls  Rkodanien,  has  far  surpassed  all  the  others  in 
literary  importance.  It  is  Mistral's  own  language,  including  the 
sub-dialect  spoken  in  his  home  town,  Maillane,  and  the  plain 
around  St.  Remy.  Portal  (Letteratura  provenzale  p.  6)  speaks  of 
it  as  follows: 

"Non  si  puo  dire,  per  altro,  che  esso  sia  il  piu  puro  di  tutti,  perche  e  molto 
mescolato  al  francese,  mentre  I'alpino  sarebbe  piu  vicino  alia  lingua  madre  e 
quello  di  Aix  piu  tipico." 

"Quello  del  Rodano  ha  il  predominio  per  la  dolcezza,  la  melodia  e  sopratutto 
per  il  prestigio  che  Mistral  gli  ha  dato." 

Rhodanien  {rodenen,  connected  with  the  Rhone,  Lat.  rhodanus, 
the  Rhone)  undoubtedly  owes  its  importance  to  the  work  of 
Mistral.  He  has  set  a  standard  of  excellence  lacking  in  the  other 
dialects  and  his  language  has  served  as  a  model  for  the  Felihres. 

3.  The  literary  preeminence  of  Rhodanien  dates  from  1854, 
when  seven  Provengal  writers  founded  the  society  of  the  Felihrige 
at  the  Chateau  de  Font-Segugne.  The  definite  organization  of 
the  Felihrige  into  a  great  society  with  Mistral  as  the  first  capoulie 
(chief  or  president)  took  place  in  1876.  The  members  of  this 
society  were  called  Felihres  and  their  avowed  purpose  was  to 
promote  the  development  of  the  lengo  d*o  in  all  its  dialect  forms. 
The  original  meaning  of  the  word  Felihre  is  doubtful.  Mistral 
(Mem.  e  Rac.  pp.  212-214)  indicates  the  source  of  the  word.  In 
an  old  poem  well  known  in  the  vicinity  of  Maillane,  called  the 
Ouresoun  de  Sant-Anseume,  mention  is  made  of  the  child  Jesus 
arguing  in  the  temple  "  Em^  li  set  felihre  de  la  lei."  Mistral 
proposed  this  term  Felihre  as  a  name  for  the  members  of  their 
society  and  it  was  accepted.  Felihrige  is  a  collective,  formed  on 
the  word  Felihre  by  the  use  of  the  suifix  -ige.  The  phrase  cited 
seems  to  mean  **  with  the  seven  doctors  of  the  law  "  and  rather 
supports  the  etymology  given  by  Jeanroy  (Rom.  XXIII,  464) 


MODERN   PROVENgAI,  PHONOIvOGY  3 

i.e.  Sp.  feligres,  Lat.  Fiui  Ecci^ESIAK.  As  Meyer-Liibke  (Wort. 
3303)  points  out,  this  cannot  be  proven.  He  also  remarks  that 
the  form  Felibre  may  not  be  correct,  as  the  poem  mentioned  by 
Mistral  was  preserved  by  oral  tradition  and  the  word  may  be  a 
corruption  of  the  original  form.  Mistral  in  his  Tresor,  under 
Felibre,  gives  the  following  r6sum6  of  the  etymologies  proposed 
for  the  word: 

1.  Felibre  viendrait  du  latin  felibris  ou  fellebris,  mot  qui  se  trouve  dans 
Solinus,  Isidore  de  Seville  et  Papias,  et  que  Ducange  interprete  par  nourrisson, 
adhuc  lacte  vivens,  derive  du  verbe  fellare,  teter,  lequel  fellare  a  donne  naissance 
d  filius,  fils.  Les  poetes  de  tout  temps,  ont  ete  denommes  "nourrissons  des 
Muses,  alumni  Musarum,"  et,  comme  le  fait  observer  M.  G.  Garnier,  alumnus, 
en  latin,  avait  le  sens  actif  et  passif  et  designait  le  disciple  et  le  maitre  comme 
escoulan  en  provengal.  II  est  k  remarquer  que  le  mot  tiroun,  qui,  dans  le  texte 
populaire,  semble  synonyme  de  felibre,  rappelle  le  verbe  proven^al  lira  signifiant 
aussi  "teter."     Le  latin  tiro  veut  dire  novice. 

2.  Felibre  viendrait  du  grec  <t>L\e^pau)s  (ami  de  I'hebreu)  mot  qu'on  trouve 
dans  la  grammaire  hebraique  de  Chevalier  (1561)  et  qui  a,  de  longue  date,  ete 
applique  dans  les  synagogues  aux  docteurs  de  la  loi. 

3.  Felibre  viendrait  du  grec  ^iXa/Spos  (ami  du  beau). 

4.  Felibre  viendrait  de  I'irlandais  filea,  poete,  barde. 

5.  Felibre  viendrait  du  germanique  filibert,  dont  le  sens  est  encore  inconnu. 

6.  Felibre  viendrait  du  proven^al  fe,  libre,  libre  par  la  foi. 

7.  Felibre  viendrait  de  I'andalous  filabre  dont  nous  ignorons  le  sens.  La 
Sierra  de  Filabres  est  une  montagne  d'Andalousie. 

Quant  a  I'etymologie  expliquant  felibre  par  faiseiu"  de  livres  elle  ne  supporte 
pas  I'examen,  attendu  qu'elle  n'est  pas  dans  le  genie  de  la  langue,  car  on  dirait 
en  ce  cas  fa-libre  ou  fai-libre. 

Whatever  the  etymology  of  the  word,  it  has  now  been  definitely 
established  as  designating  one  of  the  southern  French  poets. 

It  is  not  the  intention  in  the  present  dissertation  to  discuss 
Mistral's  literary  work  or  the  development  of  the  Felibrige. 
Those  interested  in  Mistral  or  the  Felibrige  will  do  well  to  consult 
Charles  Alfred  Downer,  Frederic  Mistral,  1901,  Columbia  doc- 
toral dissertation.  Besides  a  discussion  of  Mistral's  literary 
activity,  this  book  contains  a  short  but  interesting  sketch  of  the 
language  and  of  the  origins  and  aims  of  the  Felibres.  Another 
account  of  Mistral  is  found  in  Pierre  Laserre,  Frederic  Mistral, 
poete,  moraliste,  citoyen  (lyibrairie  Payot,  Paris).  For  a  treatment 
of  the  general  movement  the  reader  is  referred  to  Roustan,  Pichoto 
istbri  de  la  literaturo  d'o,  Marseille,  19 14,  and  Emile  Ripert,  La 
Renaissance  Provengale,  Paris,  19 18.  The  latter  work  is  par- 
ticularly complete  in  its  treatment  of  the  origins  and  develop- 
ment of  the  whole  southern  dialect  movement  and  the  author 


4  MODERN  PROVKNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 

does  not  restrict  himself  to  a  discussion  of  the  Felihrige.  In 
chapter  three  of  part  five  he  gives  also  an  excellent  account  of 
Mistral's  early  life  and  training.  For  those  wishing  to  acquire 
a  reading  knowledge  of  Rhodanien  I  mention  the  following  books, 
which  were  recommended  to  the  writer  by  Mistral  himself: 
Xavier  de  Fourvieres,  Lou  Pichot  Tresor,  Dictionnaire  Provengal- 
Frangais  et  Frangais-Provengal;  Grammaire  et  Guide  de  la  Con- 
versation provengales,  Avignon,  1902.  Further  useful  information 
concerning  the  language  is  to  be  found  in  Nicholson,  Provengal 
Method,  Avignon,  1908,  Jouveau,  Elements  de  Grammaire  Pro- 
vengale,  Avignon,  1907,  and  Jules  Ronjat,  UOurtougrafi  prouven- 
galo,  Avignon,  1908.  All  these  books  may  be  obtained  from  the 
Librairie  J.  Roumanille,  19  rue  Saint-Agricol,  Avignon. 

4.  On  account  of  the  importance  of  Mistral  in  the  literary 
development  in  southern  France  and  because  his  language  has 
become  the  standard  of  the  Felibres,  we  are  justified  in  undertaking 
in  the  following  work  a  critical  study  of  the  phonology  and  morph- 
ology of  his  dialect.  The  only  work  of  the  kind  is  Koschwitz' 
Grammaire  Historiqu£  de  la  Langue  des  Felibres,  Roumanille, 
Avignon,  1894.  Unfortunately  for  the  scientific  value  of  this 
book,  Koschwitz  had  a  double  purpose.     In  his  preface  he  says: 

"  Notre  grammaire  vise  done  essentiellement  des  buts  pratiques.  Bile 
veut  bien  servir  aux  etudes  historiques  et  scientifiques  sur  la  langue  proven^ale 
mais  surtout  eUe  veut  aider  a  I'etude  directe  de  la  langue  parlee  et  ecrite  par  la 
plupart  des  Felibres  de  la  Provence." 

Koschwitz  could  hardly  have  undertaken  a  more  difficult 
task  than  to  provide  a  grammar  that  should  be  a  critical  treatment 
of  phonology  and  morphology  and  at  the  same  time  a  manual 
for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  the  written  and  spoken  language  of 
the  Felibres.  He  was  conscious  himself  of  the  inadequacy  of  his 
book.     Later  on  in  his  preface,  he  remarks: 

"  On  y  cherchera  vainement  I'explication  physiologique  des  changements 
phonetiques  qui  ont  cree,  du  latin  rustique  parle  en  Provence  au  temps  des 
Cesars,  la  langue  provengale  d'aujoiu-d'hui ;  la  topographic  des  particularites 
phonetiques  ou  morphologiques  qui  distinguent  notre  idiome  des  idiomes  voisins ; 
la  recherche  des  causes  premieres  de  ces  developpements  differents;  la  discussion 
des  problemes  controverses  qu'offre  I'histoire  de  la  langue  proven^ale  ancienne 
et  modeme;  la  comparaison  des  sons  et  des  formes  de  notre  langue  avecla  langue 
classique  des  troubadours  du  moyen-^ge." 

Certain  of  these  points  such  as  the  physiological  explanation 
of  the  phonetic  changes,  the  comparison  of  the  sounds  and  forms 


MODERN  PROVKNgAI,  PHONOLOGY  5 

of  the  modern  tongue  with  those  of  the  language  of  the  trouba- 
dours, are  essential  to  an  historical  grammar.  It  is  the  aim  of 
the  present  work  to  fill  these  gaps  as  regards  phonology  and 
morphology. 

5.  The  works  of  Mistral  which  have  been  utilized  for  the  follow- 
ing investigation,  together  with  their  dates  of  publication  are: 
MirHo  (Edition  G.  Charpentier)  1859;  Calendau  (Lemerre) 
1866;  Lis  Isclo  d'Or  (Lemerre)  1875;  Nerto  (Lemerre)  1884; 
Tresor  ddu  Felihrige  (Champion)  1888;  La  Reino  Jano  (Lemerre) 
1890;  Lou  Pouemo  ddu  Rose  (Lemerre)  iSgy ;.  Memori  e  Raconte 
(Plon-Nourrit)  1906;  Lis  Oulivado  (Lemerre)  19 12.  The  above 
mentioned  editions,  with  the  exception  of  Membri  e  Raconte, 
contain  a  face  to  face  translation  into  French  by  Mistral  himself. 
The  translation  of  Membri  e  Raconte  is  published  separately. 

6.  Since  the  basis  of  Provengal,  as  of  the  other  Romance 
languages,  is  Folk  Latin  and  not  Book  Latin,  we  will  commence 
with  the  Folk  Latin  system  of  sounds  and  trace  these  through 
the  Old  Provengal  to  the  Rhodanien.  Although  Folk  Latin  is 
used  as  the  basis,  the  etyma  have  been  given  in  the  Book  Latin 
form  as  being  more  familiar  to  the  reader  than  the  Folk  Latin 
form.  In  cases  where  the  divergence  between  the  two  forms 
has  made  it  desirable,  the  Folk  Latin  has  been  given  in  paren- 
theses after  the  Book  Latin.  Ktyma  have  been  printed  through- 
out in  small  capitals.  Old  Provencal  words  in  lower  case,  and  words 
from  Rhodanien  or  any  of  the  modern  tongues  in  italics.  In 
marking  the  quantity  of  the  Latin  vowels  the  practice  has  been 
to  indicate  the  quantity  of  those  vowels  only  which  are  under 
immediate  discussion.  Characters  in  brackets  [  ]  are  the  symbols 
of  the  International  Phonetic  Association. 


PART  I.— PHONOLOGY 

7.  The  fate  of  the  vowels  depends  primarily  on  the  stress  of 
voice.  The  tendency  is  to  be  careful  of  the  pronunciation  of 
the  stressed  vowels  while  we  pass  negligently  over  the  unstressed. 
The  former,  therefore,  tend  to  remain,  though  often  in  a  changed 
form,  whereas  the  latter  tend  to  weaken  and  even  to  disappear. 

8.  The  primary  stress  divides  polysyllables  into  two  parts, 
a  pretonic  and  a  posttonic.  The  pretonic  portion  may  consist 
of  a  single  syllable  as  in  ha  |  b^rE,  or  of  two  as  in  boni  |  tatem, 
or  occasionally  of  three  as  in  amici  |  Tatem.  The  posttonic 
part  may  consist  of  a  single  syllable,  as  in  hab]§  [  re  or  of  two  as 

in  A  I  NIMA. 

There  is  a  secondary  stress  on  the  initial  syllable  of  Latin  words 
and  the  initial  vowels  develop  like  the  stressed  vowels,  although, 
the  secondary  stress  not  being  as  strong  as  the  primary,  the 
vowels  of  the  initial  syllable  have  a  greater  tendency  to  weaken 
than  the  vowel  under  the  primary  stress.  A  word  of  four  syllables 
like  BONITATEM  falls  naturally  into  two  parts  boni-  and  -tatem. 
The  vowels  o  and  a  survive,  while  i  and  E  disappear  (cf.  §  53). 
Following  the  custom  of  Nyrop  and  others  we  will  call  bo-  the 
pretonic,  -ni-  the  counterfinal,  -Ta-  the  tonic,  and  -tem  the  final. 

Proparoxytones  (words  stressed  on  the  antepenult)  like  anima, 
lose  the  atonic  penultimate  early  (§56)  and  give  forms  like  anma. 
In  words  like  amici  |  TATEm  where  three  syllables  precede  the 
primary  stress,  the  pretonic  portion  of  the  word  amici-  resembles 
proparoxytones  of  the  anima  type.  We  would  expect  the  second 
vowel  before  the  primary  stress,  which  we  will  call  the  counter- 
penultimate,  to  disappear.  This  is  not  the  case  however,  as  the 
counterfinal  falls  and  the  counterpenultimate  survives.     (§57). 

9.  The  vowels  will  be  treated  in  the  following  order:  stressed 
vowels  under  the  heads  '-tonic"  and  **  pretonic;"  unstressed 
vowels  under  the  heads  '*  final,"  **  counterfinal,"  "  penultimate," 
"  counterpenultimate." 

10.  Vowels  may  be  **  checked,"  i.e.  followed  by  a  consonant 
in  the  same  syllable,  as  in  por  |  tam,  or  "free"  i.e.  final  in  a 
syllable  as  in  Ta  |  i,em.  (Nyrop  I  §§  148,  149;  Schultz-Gora  §  20). 
This  distinction,  so  important  in  the  development  of  Old  French,  is 

6 


MODERN  PROVENCAL  PHONOLOGY  7 

less  SO  in  Provencal.     In  some  cases  however  it  must  be  considered. 
(§  33  et  seq.) 

11.  The  fate  of  the  vowels  depends  also  on  the  nature  of  the 
neighboring  vowels  and  consonants,  so  we  shall  next  discuss  the 
development  of  the  vowels  affected  by  neighboring  vowels  or 
consonants. 

12.  The  Latin  vowel  system  i,  K,  A,  o,  u,  OE,  AE,  au,  having 
been  reduced  to  the  Folk  Latin  sounds  i,  E  close,  E  open,  a,  o 
open,  o  close,  u,  au,  we  shall  treat  the  latter  as  sources,  discussing 
them  in  the  order  named. 

Stressed  Vowels 

Folk  Lat.  I  (Bk.  Lat.  i) 

13.  I  tonic  remains 

MiLLE  mil  milo 

SCRIPTUM  escrit  escri 

villam  Vila  vilo 

viTAM  vida  mdo 

(a)  Fre,  Old  Prov.  freg  indicates  a  Folk  Latin  frigidum  for  Bk. 
Lat.  FRIGIDUM,  due  to  the  influence  of  rigidum  (Meyer-Liibke, 
Wort.,  3512).     Spanish /no  has  come  from  the  form  with  i. 

14.  I  pre  tonic  remains 

civiTATEM  ciutat  cieuta 

FiuoLUM  filhol  fihou 

LiBERARE  liurar  lieura 

(a)  In  a  very  few  cases,  due  to  dissimilation  i  pretonic  passes 
to  e  if  the  following  stressed  syllable  contains  I. 

DiviNUM  devin  devin 

DiviSAT  devisa  deviso 

viciNUM  vezin  vesin 

Remarks  (i)  In  Old  Provencal  we  find  occasional  doublets  as 
FiNiRE,  Old  Prov.  fenir,  finir.  Rhodanien  has  both  fini  and  feni 
but  the  first  is  commoner  and  is  the  form  always  used  by  Mistral. 
(2)  It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  phenomenon  occurs  also  in  Old 
French  (Nyrop  I  §  151  Rem.)  in  these  same  words,  even  to  the 
doublets  fenir,  finir. 

(b)  Meraviho,  Old  Prov.  meravilha  point  to  a  Folk  Latin  mera- 
BiLiA  or  mirabilia  for  Book  Latin  mirabiua  (Meyer-Liibke, 
Wort.  5601). 


8  MODERN   PROVENgAI,  PHONOI.OGY 

(c)  Premie,  F'olk  Latin  primarium,  is  unexplained  unless  it  be 
due  to  French  influence.  Proumie  owes  its  ou  to  the  labial  in- 
fluence of  the  m  which  tends  to  round  the  preceding  vowel  (Grand- 
gent,  §  44»  i)- 

15.  I  tonic  or  pretonic  frequently  combined  with  a  vocalized 
I  or  V  giving  the  diphthong  iu  in  early  Provencal.  About  the 
13th  century  this  diphthong  passed  to  the  triphthong  ieu  (Grand- 
gent  §  32). 

FILUM  fiu  fi6u 

i,iBKRARe  liurar  lieura 

civiTATEM  ciutat  cieuta 

Rem.  This  change  may  have  been  due  to  the  influence  of  the 
great  number  of  triphthongs  in  ieu  coming  from  forms  like  Old 
Prov.  greu  where  the  e  diphthongized  before  u  giving  grieu.  A 
different  explanation  is  proposed  by  E.  H.  Tuttle  in  Mod.  Phil., 
Vol.  XVI,  no.  II,  p.  152. 

16.  Greek  upsilon  was  usually  treated  as  Latin  i 

MARTYR  martir  martire 

MYRRHA  mirre  mirro 

(a)  Occasionally  Greek  upsilon  is  represented  by  ou. 

BYRSA  borsa  hourso 

(b)  In  nerto,  Old  Prov.  nerta,  Latin  myrtus,  Greek  upsilon 
seems  to  have  been  treated  like  Latin  i  (§  17) 

Folk  Latin  S  close  (Bk.  Lat.  E,  i,  oe). 

17.  E  close,  tonic,  remains. 

BiBET  beu  heu 

FIDEJM  fe  }^ 

HABERE  aver  av6 

ME  me  me 

MiTTBRB  metre  metre 

(a)  In  many  cases  this  e  close  is  replaced  by  e  open,  written  e  or 
e. 

(i)  Preceding  i  coming  from  a  vocalized  g  or  d. 

CREDERE  creire  creire 

LEGEM  lei  Ui 

REGEM  rei  rH 

viDET  vei  vH' 


MODERN   PROVENQAIy  PHONOI.OGY  9 

(2)  Preceding  m  or  n  followed  by  a  consonant  or  consonants 
demanding  a  supporting  vowel. 

SIMULAT  semble  semblo 

VENDBRE  vendre  vkndre 

(3)  The  ending  -ETis  of  the  second  person  plural,  present 
indicative  has  etz  in  Old  Prov.  with  an  open  e  from  which  -bs 
of  the  modern  tongue  is  regular.  The  change  from  close  e  to 
open  e  in  Old  Provengal  is  due  to  the  influence  of  etz  of  the  verb 
estre,  to  be,  where  the  e  is  open. 

(4)  In  the  present  indicative,  first  person  plural  of  verbs  of  the 
second,  third,  and  fourth  conjugations,  where  Old  Provencal 
has  em  we  find  en  due  probably  to  the  influence  of  the  second 
person  plural  in  es  from  the  Old  Provencal  etz,  where  the  e  is 
open. 

CREDEMUS  crezem  creskn 

(b)  Doublets  with  ei  for  e  are  occasionally  found  such  as  cm, 
jeiy  met,  etc.  These  forms  are  French  (Grandgent  §25,3;  Schultz- 
Gora  §  26). 

(c)  Numbers  of  learned  words  show  open  e  for  Latin  E  and  i  for 
Latin  i. 

CAMELUM  camel  camku 

CANDELA  candela  candklo 

COMPLETUM  complet  coumplet 

DECRETUM  decret  decrH 

FiDEUS  fizel  fideu 

SECRETUM  secret  secret 

-iBiLis  -ible  -ible 

Remark,  cameu,  candelo,  and  fideu  probably  show  the  influence  of 
the  numerous  words  in  du  from  the  sufl&x  -ti^iyUS  (Schultz-Gora 
§  28;  Grandgent  §  25). 

(d)  Rhodanien  vint  seems  to  be  the  one  remaining  example  of  a 
phenomenon  quite  general  in  Romance  territory,  called  in  German, 
umlaut,  and  in  French,  inflection.  In  Old  Provencal  e  close, 
tonic  was  raised  to  i  under  the  influence  of  a  posttonic  T  (Meyer- 
Liibke  I  §  79).  This  phenomenon  must  be  studied  in  the  follow- 
ing cases:  the  first  and  second  person  singular  of  the  perfect, 
the  nominative  plural  of  the  Latin  second  declension,  and  viginti. 
As  an  example  of  the  change  in  the  verbs  we  will  use  feci,  presi; 
as  example  of  nominative  plural  of  the  second  declension  we  will 


lO  MODERN   PROVENgAL  PHONOLOGY 

use  iLLi.     We  will  also  give  the  corresponding  forms  in  Old  French 
and  Modern  French  for  the  sake  of  comparison. 


Latin 

Old  Prov. 

Rhodanien 

Old  French  Modem  French 

FECI 

fis 

fagtiere 

fis 

fis 

FECISTi 

fezist 

fagueres 

fesis 

fis 

PRESi 

pris 

prenguere 

pris 

pris 

PRESiSTi 

prezist 

prengueres 

presis 

pris 

ill! 

il 

m 

il 

ils 

VIGINTI 

vint 

vint 

vint 

vingt 

A  glance  at  these  forms  will  show  that,  (i)  in  Old  Provengal 
and  Old  French  the  inflection  worked  regularly,  (2)  in  Modern 
French  the  regular  phonetic  laws  have  been  followed  in  the  first 
person  singular  of  the  perfects,  in  the  pronoun  il,  and  in  vingt, 
while  the  second  person  singular  of  the  perfects  has  been  made 
over  by  analogy  with  the  first  person,  (3)  in  Rhodanien  analogical 
formations  have  replaced  the  first  and  second  singular  of  the 
perfects  (§  186  et  seq.),  and  in  ^7  (§§  177,  178),  while  vint  remains. 
Remark,  (i)  In  Old  Provengal  we  also  find  traces  of  this  influence 
in  the  plurals  of  nouns  of  the  second  Latin  declension.  In  Boecis 
I,  231  we  find  auzil,  Lat.  AUctLLi.  Grandgent  (§  27,  i)  also 
mentions  cabil,  Lat.  capilli.  In  the  case  of  the  nouns  the  analogy 
of  the  other  cases  caused  these  forms  to  disappear  early. 
Remark.  (2)  Closely  related  to  this  influence  is  the  effect  in  Italian 
of  a  palatal  or  guttural  combination  following  the  Latin  vowels 
i,  u.  Thus  we  have  in  Italian,  lingua,  hat.  lingua;  ciglio,  Lat. 
cilium;  mischia,  Lat.  misculat;  pugno,  Lat.  pugnum;  giungere, 
Lat.  JUNGERE  (Meyer-Liibke,  It.  Gr.  §  69,  §  70).  A  similar 
phenomenon  occurs  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  (Meyer-Liibke, 
I  §  79;  Pidal  §  11).  In  Spanish  the  forms  of  the  radical-changing 
verbs  (such  as  pedi,  pidio;  mori,  murio)  offer  frequent  examples. 
The  umlaut  in  German  and  Anglo-Saxon  is  of  the  same  nature. 
In  all  these  cases  the  change  in  the  stressed  vowel  seems  to  be 
produced  by  anticipation  of  a  sound  to  be  produced  later  in  the 
word. 

(e)  The  hiatus  i  following  the  tonic  syllable  may  account  for 
the  i  in  the  following  words,  although  they  are  more  probably 
learned  words.     (Grandgent  §  25,  2b). 

camisia  camisa  camiso 

FAMiLiA  familha  famiho 


MODERN   PROVBNgAL   PHONOLOGY 


II 


(f)  E  close  in  hiatus  became  i  (Grandgent  §  26). 


LIGAT 

lia 

lio 

VIAM 

via 

mo 

18. 

E  close,  pretonic, 

remains. 

CIRCARE 

cercar 

cerca 

DEBERAJO 

deverai 

deurai 

FIRMARE 

f  ermar 

ferma 

PENS  ARE 

pesar 

pesa 

Folk  Latin  E  open  (Bk.  Lat. 

E  ae) 

19. 

E  open,  tonic  remains. 

bSllum 

bel 

b^u 

CAELUM 

eel 

cku 

fSrrum 

ferre 

ferre 

M^RUM 

mer 

mbr 

P^DEM 

pe(d) 

pm 

20. 

E  open,  pretonic. 

becomes  e  close. 

CEREBELLUM 

cervel 

cervbu 

FENESTRA 

fenestra 

fenestra 

LtVARE 

levar 

leva 

n:&potem 

nebot 

nebout 

StRVIRE 

servir 

servi 

Folk  Latin  a  (Bk.  Lat.  a) 

21.  A  tonic  remains. 

ala  ,  alo 

albre  aubre 

mar  mar 


ALAM 

arborem 

MARE 


PARTEM 


part 


part 


(a)  A  few  forms  have  e  appearing  for  a.  Some  of  these  must 
be  explained  by  changes  in  the  Folk  Latin  vocabulary.  Thus 
alegre  is  not  from  alacrem  but  from  a  Folk  Latin  form  alEcrem 
which  also  explains  Old  Fr.  haliegre  (Meyer-Liibke,  Castro. 
§  92 ;  Wort.  307).  Grieu  is  not  from  gravem  but  from  a  Folk  form 
grEvem  due  probably  to  analogy  with  lSvem  (Meyer-Liibke 
Wort.  3855). 

(b)  Mestre,  in  Old  Provengal  appears  as  maistre,  maestre,  and 


12  MODERN  PROVBNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 

mestre.  The  latter  form  prevailed  perhaps  under  the  influence 
of  the  Old  Fr.  maistre,  as  mestre  represented  better  the  French 
diphthong  (Grandgent  §  25,  2b). 

22.  A  pretonic  remains. 

Amare  amar  ama 

AmorBm  amor  amour 

cAminum  camin  camin 

habere  aver  ave 

(a)  Jita.  All  the  Romance  forms  point  to  a  Folk  Latin  j^cTare. 
Even  in  this  form  the  treatment  of  the  CT  is  not  regular  (§  116, 
2a)  as  c  has  disappeared.  Old  Provencal  has  getar  and  gitar. 
The  latter  must  be  a  form  from  the  northwest  where  there  was  a 
strong  tendency  to  change  pretonic  e  to  i  (Grandgent  §  14,  3). 

(b)  Chivau  also  shows  dialectic  influence.  The  regular  form 
cavau  is  found  but  rarely.  The  ch  of  the  word  points  to  a  Gascon 
or  Franco-provengal  origin.     (§  115,  2a.) 

Folk  Latin  o  open  (Bk.  Lat.  6) 

23.  o  open,  tonic  remains. 


cornu 

corn 

cor 

COLLUM 

col 

cbu 

CORD  A 

corda 

cordo 

FIUOLUM 

filhol 

fihdu 

PROBA 

prova 

provo 

V61.ET 

vol 

vou 

24.  o  open,  pretonic  becomes  ou  [u]  which  must  not  be  confused 
with  the  diphthong  du  or  ou  (Koschwitz,  §  2,  i). 

coi^OREM  color  coulour 

CORONA  corona  courouno 

DORMIRE  dormir  dourmi 

LOCARE  logar  louga 

PORTARE  portar  pourta 

VOLERE  voler  vouU 

(a)  Mistaken  etymology  or  a  change  of  prefix  explains  other 
vowels  found  in  place  of  ou  as  escur,  Old  Prov.  escur,  Lat.  6b- 
SCURUM  where  the  first  syllable  of  the  word  has  been  replaced  by 
the  prefix  Ex-.  In  redoun,  Old  Prov.  redon,  Lat.  rotundus, 
we  see  the  result  of  a  Folk  Lat.  retundus  due  to  a  confusion  of 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY 


13 


RO-  with  the  prefix  RE-  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.  7400).  Prefound, 
Old  Prov.  prefon  (preon),  Lat.  profundus  shows  a  confusion  of 
PRO-  with  the  prefix  pre-.  In  Old  Prov.  redon  and  prefon, 
Schultz-Gora  sees  vowel  dissimilation.     (Schultz-Gora  §  49). 

Remark.     In  Rhodanien  o  open,  or  close,  gave  the  same  result 
in  the  pre  tonic  position.     (§26). 


25- 


Folk  Latin  o  close  (Bk.  Lat.  o,  u). 
o  close,  tonic,  becomes  ou  [uj. 


AMOREM 

amor 

amour 

CORTEM 

cort 

court 

DOLOREM 

dolor 

doulour 

FLOREM 

flor 

flour 

GULA 

gola 

goulo 

GUSTUM 

gost 

goust 

MUSCA 

mosca 

mousco 

SOLUM 

sol 

soul 

TURREM 

tor 

tour 

(a)  A  number  of  words  show  irregularity.  Ibu,  Old  Prov. 
ou  (uou)  demand  a  Folk  Lat.  ovum  instead  of  Bk.  Lat.  ovum 
(Grandgent  §§  167,  217;  Meyer-Liibke,  I,  pp.  246-248).  Mot^ 
Folk  Latin  muTTum  (Meyer-Lubke,  Wort.,  5795)  is  probably 
French  although  the  o  in  French  is  close.  The  open  0  of  the 
Rhodanien  word  is  due  to  the  tendency  of  the  Rhodanien  to  open 
the  tonic  o.  Some  of  the  southern  dialects  have  also  mouty  the 
regular  form.  Noro,  Old  Prov.  nora,  Lat.  nura,  shows  the  in- 
fluence of  SOROR  or  SOCRUS  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.  6000;  Grand- 
gent §  33,  i). 

(b)  In  some  cases  a  Latin  u  is  represented  by  u.  While  this 
may  show  a  varying  quantity  in  Folk  Latin,  most  of  the  words 
seem  rather  to  be  learned. 


STUDIAT 

STUDIUM 

REFUGIUM 


estudia  estudio 

estudi  estudi 

refugi  refuge 

Remark.  In  Italian  a  palatal  combination  following  u  had  the 
power  of  retaining  the  u  or  else  of  raising  o  close  to  u.  (Meyer- 
Liibke,  It.  Gr.  §  70).  This  influence  apparently  was  active  in 
Old  Provengal  giving  such  forms  as  punh,  unher,  beside  the 
regular  ponh,  onher.     Rhodanien  shows  no  trace  of  this  phenom- 


14 


MODERN   PROVENCAL  PHONOLOGY 


enon  unless  one  attributes  to  it  the  examples  in  sect.  25b  above 
which  seem  rather  to  be  learned. 

26.  o  close,  pre  tonic,  becomes  ou  [uj 


CORTENSEM 

corLes 

courtes 

CUB ARE 

covar 

couva 

DUBITARE         . 

doptar 

douta 

NODARE 

nodar 

nouda 

NUTRIRE 

norir 

nouirri 

SPONSARE 

esposar 

espousa 

SUBINDE 

sovent 

souvent 

Folk  Latin  u  (Bk.  Lat.  u) 
27.  u  tonic  remains  but  is  pronounced  [y]. 


BRUMA 

bruma 

brumo 

FUSTUM 

fust 

fust 

HABUTUS 

avutz  (agutz) 

agu 

NUDUS 

nutz 

nus 

PURUM 

pur 

pur 

(a)  Vounge,  Old  Prov.  onze  is  from  a  Folk  Latin  undecem 
which  replaced  undECEm  in  Gallic  territory.  The  v  is  due  to 
labial  rounding  in  preparation  for  the  ou  {^  165). 

(b)  Nogo,  Old  Prov.  nossas,  Lat.  nuptias.  The  Bk.  Lat. 
NUPTiAS  became  noptias  under  the  influence  of  novia,  bride, 
or  perhaps  under  the  influence  of  noctem  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort. 
5999).  The  late  Dr.  Menger  dictated  the  following  explanation 
to  his  class  in  philology  at  Johns  Hopkins  University  in  1896: 
"  The  bride  was  called  the  nova  nupta.  The  vowel  of  nova 
affected  the  u  of  nupta  and  the  phrase  became  nova  nopTA. 
From  this  source  came  the  open  o  of  noptias." 

Remark.  The  date  of  the  change  of  [u]  to  [yj  is  not  definitely 
known.  There  is  no  [y]]  in  Catalan,  which  in  many  particulars 
represents  an  early  stage  of  the  Provengal.  The  change  represents 
a  fronting  of  the  [u]  passing  through  all  the  stages  from  high- 
back-round  [u],  to  high-front-round  [y].  Spanish,  Roumanian, 
and  Italian  do  not  show  this  change.     (Nyrop,  I  §  187). 

(c)  Latin  nubem  gave  nuu  by  a  vocalization  of  b  (§  103,  i). 
Dissimilation  produced  Old  Prov.  niu  which  in  the  13th  century 
gave  regularly  nUu  (§  15). 


MODERN   PROVENQAI,  PHONOIvOGY  1 5 

28.  u  pre  tonic  remains  but  is  pronounced  [y]. 

CURARE  curar  cura 

FURORBM  furor  fur  our 

judicarE  jut  jar  juja 

USARE  uzar  usa 

Folk  Latin  au  (Bk.  Lat.  au,  avi,  abu,  abo,  abi) 

29.  AU  tonic  remains. 


AUCA 

auca 

auco 

CAUSA 

causa 

causo 

GAUDIUM 

gang 

gau 

PARAULA 

paraula 

paraulo 

PAUCUM 

pauc 

pau 

(a)  Or,  Old  Prov.  aur,  Lat.  aurum,  is  French  or  Catalan,  while 
tresor,  Old  Prov.  tesaurs  is  the  French  word  or  else  is  influenced 
by  or. 

(b)  Besides  gang,  Lat.  gaudium,  Old  Provencal  had  a  form, 
ioia,  which  was  probably  French.  This  latter  has  given  a  form 
joio  in  the  modern  tongue  although  gau  the  regular  form  is  found 
also. 

30.  au  pretonic  remains. 

AUDiRE  auzir  ausi 

AucEiviyUM  auzel  au^eu 

(a)  If  the  next  syllable  contained  stressed  u,  the  au  was  re- 
duced to  A  in  Folk  Latin  (Meyer-Liibke,  Castro.  §  122). 

(b)  Bk.  Lat.  auscultare  was  reduced  to  ascolTare  then  by  a 
confusion  of  as-  with  the  prefix  Ex-  became  Old  Provengal  escoltar 
(Schultz-Gora,  §  47),  in  the  modern  tongue  escouta.  Bk.  Lat. 
AUGURiUM  gave  Folk  Lat.  agurium  which  gave  the  Old  Prov. 
aur.  In  Rhodanien  ur  the  initial  a  has  fallen,  (cf.  Old  Fr.  eur. 
Mod.  Fr.  heur). 

3 1 .  As  the  fate  of  the  vowels  depends  not  only  on  the  stress  but 
also  on  the  neighboring  vowels  and  consonants,  we  will  next  dis- 
cuss the  effect  of  these  influences. 

DiPHTHONGIZATlON 

32.  Diphthongization  which  in  French  depends  on  the  position 
of  the  vowel  in  a  close  or  open  syllable,  in  Provencal  depends 
partially  also  on  the  character  of  the  surrounding  sounds. 


1 6  MODERN  PROVKNQAI,  PHONOI.OGY 

33.  E  Open,  tonic,  free,  diphthongizes  to  ie  under  the  following 
conditions : 

(i)  If  the  following  syllable  contains  T. 

(2)  If  the  following  syllable  contains  an  hiatus  i  or  E. 

(3)  If  immediately  followed  by  yod,  or  a  palatal  that  weakened 
to  yod  plus  a  consonant. 

(4)  If  immediately  followed  by  u. 

D^UM  dieu  dUu 

fiero 

ier 

miejo 

mieu 

mestie 

pie{s) 

pibje 

sieis 

viei 

(a)  GleisOj  Old  Prov.  gleiza,  Lat.  EccIvSsia  shows  many  forms 
in  the  various  dialects.  Old  Prov.  has  gleiza,  glieza,  and  glieiza. 
Rhodanien  has  preserved  the  first  form  without  the  diphthongiza- 
tion  in  gleiso. 

Remark,  (i)  In  the  diphthong  ie  the  e  is  sometimes  open  and 
sometimes  close.  It  is  close  before  u,  when  final,  or  before  a 
silent  consonant.     It  is  open  before  a  sounded  consonant  or  before  i. 

Remark.  (2)  It  is  to  be  noted  that  i  <  d,  or  u  <  L  do  not 
cause  diphthongization  while  i  <  a  palatal,  or  u  <  v  do.  Evi- 
dently the  diphthongization  was  complete  before  d  and  i^  vocalized 
to  i  and  u. 

34.  o  open,  tonic,  free,  diphthongized  to  uo  or  ue  under  the 
same  conditions  as  K  open,  to  ie.  The  u  of  these  combinations 
was  apparently  pronounced  [u]  or  [y]  depending  on  the  region 
(§  37a,  Rem.  I,  2)  as  the  modern  dialects  show  derivation  now 
from  one  form,  now  from  the  other. 

35.  o  open,  tonic  followed  by  a  consonant  plus  yod  gave  ue  C<^]- 


F^RIA 

fiera 

H^RI 

ier 

M^DIA 

mieia 

M^UM 

mieu 

MINIST^RIUM 

mestier 

PACTUM 

pietz 

piljus 

pieis 

stx 

sieis 

vScivUM 

vielh 

BROGILOS 

brolh 

brtiei 

GOCITUM 

cuech 

cue 

CORIUM 

cuer 

cuer 

FOUAM 

fuelha 

fueio 

HODIE 

uei 

vuei 

I.6NGB 

lonh(luenh) 

luen 

MODERN   PROVENgAL  PHONOLOGY  I 7 


n5ctem 

nuech 

nue 

OCTO 

ueg 

vue 

OCIvUM 

uelh 

net 

PL  6  VIA 

ploja 

plueio 

rec6lg(recoi 

^LIGERE)     recolh 

reciAei 

(a)  There  is  a  tendency  in  Rhodanien  to  develop  i  before  this 
ue.  Thus  we  have  in  Rhodanien  kiue^  cue;  viuei,  vuei;  litien, 
luen;  nine,  nue;  iu^iy  vue;  iue,  uei.  Of  these  forms  Mistral  uses 
kiue  and  cu£  but  only  vu^iy  liuen,  niue,  vu£  and  iue.  I  have  been 
unable  to  find  any  satisfactory  explanation  for  these  forms.  They 
may  possibly  be  the  crossing  of  such  dialect  forms  as  nie,  niech, 
with  the  more  regular  form  nue. 

(b)  Latin  postea  gave  pois  in  Old  Provengal.  The  open  o 
diphthongized  giving  pueis  from  which  the  Rhodanien  piei  must 
have  arisen  by  the  unrounding  of  the  first  element  [y]  (§  37a. 
Rem.  i).     We  would  expect  puei  (§  35). 

36.  o  open,  tonic  followed  by  c  has  diphthongized  in  FOCUM 
and  LOCUM.  In  Old  Provencal  doublets  are  found  fuoc,  fuec; 
luoc,  luec.  The  Rhodanien  forms  fid,  lid  are  survivals  of  the 
forms  fuoc,  luoc  in  which  the  u  was  pronounced  [y].  The  Rho- 
danien form  is  produced  by  the  unrounding  of  this  [y].  The 
dialect  of  Marseille  has  fue  and  Iue  survivals  of  the  forms  fuec  and 
luec. 

(a)  Latin  jocum  gave  three  forms  in  Old  Provengal  ioc,  juoc, 
juec.  Rhodanien  jo  is  probably  from  ioc  although  phonetically 
it  may  come  from  juoc  through  jid  which  later  would  be  reduced 
to  jo.  The  Marseille  dialect  has  jue  from  juec.  In  co,  Old  Prov. 
coc,  cuoc,  Lat.  coquum  (cocum)  Rhodanien  has  preserved  the 
undiphthongized  form  or  taken  the  form  from  some  dialect  where 
the  diphthongization  does  not  occur. 

37.  o  open,  tonic  followed  by  u,  which  may  be  original  or  from 
a  vocalized  v,  but  not  from  a  vocalized  L  (§  33a,  Rem.  2)  gives 
id.  The  process  is  the  same  as  in  lid,  fid  (§  36).  The  i  is  the 
result  of  the  unrounding  of  [y]. 

BOVEM  buou  bidu 

ovum  uou  idu 

(a)  Rhodanien  ndu,  Lat.  novum  and  ndu,  Lat.  novEm  show 
the  preservation  of  undiphthongized  forms  or  else  the  introduction 
of  forms  from  some  dialect  where  diphthongization  does  not  occur. 


1 8  MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY 

Remark.  The  explanation  of  the  results  of  the  diphthongiza- 
tion  of  o  open  is  inseparably  connected  with  the  discussion  of  the 
pronunciation  of  u  in  Old  Provengal  and  the  results  in  the  modern 
dialects  seem  to  throw  some  light  on  this  question.  While  the 
number  of  examples  is  in  some  cases  so  small  that  it  is  dangerous 
to  generalize,  still  there  are  some  conclusions  that  can  be  drawn: 

(i)  Rhodanien  ue  [oej.  There  is  no  reason  to  assume  that 
the  development  in  this  case  is  different  from  that  of  the  French. 
The  original  open  o  diphthongized  to  uo,  ue.  While  in  French 
the  uo  form  preceded  the  ue,  in  Provencal  they  seem  to  have 
existed  side  by  side.  The  earliest  example  that  we  have  of  the 
diphthongization  of  o  is  uel,  Lat.  oculi  (Boeci  i,  203).  What- 
ever ue  was  originally  it  finally  became  a  rising  diphthong  [we]. 
The  second  element  \j~\  was  rounded  by  the  influence  of  the  labial 
[w],  giving  [woe]  which  was  later  reduced  to  [ce]  (Nyrop  I, 
§  178).  The  result  here  shows  that  the  first  element  in  the  diph- 
thong was  [u]  not  [y].  While  it  is  phonetically  possible  that 
[ye]  might  become  [ije],  then  [qoe]  and  finally  [oe]  still  it  seems 
probable  that  if  the  first  element  had  been  [y],  we  would  have 
had  the  result  found  in  the  next  section.  In  Languedoc  indeed 
we  do  have  this  development,  giving  such  forms  as  kier,  fieio,  iH, 
nie,  tech,  for  Rhodanien  cuer,  fueio,  vuei,  nue,  vue.  Rhodanien 
^^^  (§  35b)  is  also  an  example  of  this  same  development  or  else 
is  a  form  from  the  dialect  of  Languedoc.  This  would  prove  that 
in  the  Rhodanien  territory  the  first  element  of  ue  in  Old  Provencal 
was  pronounced  [u]  but  that  the  pronunciation  varied  according 
to  the  region  as  shown  by  the  results  in  Languedoc  for  it  is  phonet- 
ically impossible  for  [i]  to  come  from  [u]  except  by  passing  through 
the  stage  [y].  The  pronunciation  of  the  modern  ue  varies  in  the 
different  regions.  While  in  Rhodanien  it  is  always  [oe]  when 
not  combined  with  i  to  form  a  diphthong,  in  other  dialectfj  it  is 
pronounced  as  a  true  diphthong  [we].  Rhodanien  uei  is  a  falling 
diphthong  [cei].  Koschwitz  (§  13)  says  that  in  orguei  it  is  a 
triphthong  [wei].  Koschwitz  must  have  been  thinking  of  the  pro- 
nunciation of  this  word  in  the  Marseille  dialect  for  not  only  does 
Mistral  rhyme  orguei  and  juei  (Isclo  d'Or  p.  298,  11,  7,  8)  but 
Ron j at  (Ourtografi,  p.  8)  states  that  ue  is  always  [ce]  like  French 
eu  and  (Ourtografi  p.  10)  gives  uei  as  triphthong  in  the  Marseille 
dialect. 

(2)  Rhodanien  ib.  The  source  of  this  diphthong  is  Old  Pro- 
vengal  uo  (§37)  in  which  the  first  element  must  have  been  [y] 


MODKRN   TROV^NQAh  PHONOLOGY  1 9 

as  [i]  is  phonetically  impossible  from  [u]  except  through  the 
stage  [y]. 

The  results  vary  in  the  different  regions.  When  this  id  is 
final  in  a  word  the  dialect  of  Marseille  uses  ue.  Thus  we  have 
fue  [fwe]],  lue  [Iwe]  for  Rhodanien  fid,  ltd.  On  the  contrary 
where  the  id  precedes  u  as  in  bidu,  idu,  the  results  are  more  regular 
and  we  seldom  have  ue  but  we  do  have  uo  in  some  of  the  dialects. 
These  results  force  us  to  the  conclusion  that  while  in  Rhodanien 
territory  the  first  element  of  the  diphthong  ue  was  pronounced 
[y J  in  Old  Provengal,  in  some  other  regions  it  was  pronounced  [u]. 
The  statement  (Grandgent  §  37)  that  one  pronunciation  influenced 
the  other  seems  to  be  supported  by  the  results  in  the  modern 
dialects. 

InfIvUKnck  of  the  Palatals 

38.  We  will  now  discuss  the  influence  of  the  palatals  upon  the 
contiguous  vowels.  Some  special  cases  of  this  influence  have 
already  been  treated  in  the  preceding  sections  which  deal  with 
diphthongization  of  S  and  6.  There  remain  the  other  vowels 
and  the  cases  where  ^  and  6  do  not  diphthongize. 

39.  I  followed  by  yod.     The  yod  is  absorbed  by  the  i. 


AMiClTATEM 

artiistat 

amista 

DICERE 

dire 

dire 

DICTARE 

dicta 

dita 

SALSiCIA 

salsisa 

saussisso 

TiTlONEM 

tizon 

tisoun 

(a)  In  dita,  Old  Pro  v.  dicta,  Lat.  dictarE,  there  is  a  strong 
suspicion  of  learned  origin.  The  treatment  of  the  CT  is  not 
popular  (§  116,  2a,  b). 

(b)  Bk.  Lat.  frigerE  must  have  been  replaced  by  Folk  Lat. 
FRiGERE.  This  verb  changed  conjugation,  giving  Old  Provencal 
fregir  from  which  we  get  Rhodanien  fregi  (cf .  l^gERE,  Rhodanien, 
legi). 

(c)  For  FRiGiDUM  see  §  13a. 

40.  E  close,  tonic,  followed  by  yod  gives  the  decreasing  diph- 
thong ei. 

LEGEM  lei  IH 

PiscEM  peis  peis 

(a)  In  the  pretonic  position  this  diphthong  becomes  ei  with  a 
close  e  as  ei  is  not  found  in  the  pretonic  position.  Thus  we  have 
lei,  but  leiau  with  e  close. 


20  MODERN   PROVENgAI,   PHONOI.OGY 

41.  H  close,  plus  iv  mouill^.  The  cases  where  we  have  e  close 
followed  by  L  mouill^  are  important  enough  to  demand  separate 
treatment.  There  are  two  cases,  (a)  the  i,  mouille  is  final,  (b) 
the  t,  mouill6  is  intervocalic. 

(a)  When  h  mouille  is  final  the  palatalization  of  the  i<  dis- 
appears, h  is  vocalized  to  u  and  e  close  becomes  open. 

ARTicuLUM  artelh  arteu 

FAXicuivUM  fadelh  fadeu 

FORNICUI.UM  fornelh  Journku 

PARicuivUM  parelh  parbu 

soivicuLUM  solelh  souUu 

Remark.  The  sufiix  -elh  in  Old  Provengal  had  usually  a  close 
e  but  there  were  frequently  forms  with  open  e.  The  palatalization 
may  have  been  lost  very  early  and  the  e  close  have  become  e  open 
before  the  1,  perhaps  under  the  influence  of  the  very  large  number 
of  words  in  -el  (Adams  p.  171)  from  Lat.  -:&i^i.us.  We  may  how- 
ever be  dealing  simply  with  suffix  confusion  and  the  words  in 
-elh  may  have  gone  over  to  those  in  -el.  Adams  (p.  171)  mentions 
the  opposite  change  i.e.  some  words  in  -j&ivi^us  which  have  become 
-el  (Grandgent  §  67,  2).  There  are  three  reasons  that  support 
this  last  theory,  (i)  The  change  to  u  is  the  treatment  of  final  I 
(§  80)  not  of  L  mouille  (§  83).  (2)  The  change  of  e  close  to  e 
open  would  be  unusual  before  L  mouille.  We  would  rather  expect 
a  retention  of  i  (§  i7d).  (3)  The  treatment  of  0  close  in  this  posi- 
tion is  not  similar  (§  44). 

(b)  When  l  mouille  is  intervocalic  the  palatalization  of  L  re- 
mains but  is  represented  in  Rhodanien  by  h,  pronounced  like 
modern  French  i^  mouille  [jj. 

APiCLA  abelha(abilha)  ahiho 

ARBORiCLA  arborelha  arboriho 

AURiciyA  aurelha  auriho 

FURNiCLA  fornilha  fourniho 

•    MANicivA  manilha  maniho 

OVICI.A  ovelha  oiiviho 

Remark.  At  first  glance  one  might  be  tempted  to  explain  these 
forms  in  -iho  as  the  effect  of  the  palatal  /  but  we  find  that  in  Old 
Provencal  there  were  sometimes  forms  in  -elha  and  sometimes 
forms  in  -ilha  and  sometimes  doublets.  We  seem  to  be  dealing 
with  a  confusion  of  the  Latin  suffixes  -ici^us  and  -ici.us  (Adams 
p.  71)  rather  than  with  a  phonetic  change. 


MODERN   PROVENgAI.  PHONOIvOGY  21 

42.  A  followed  by  yod  gives  the  falling  diphthong  ai,  pro- 
nounced like  -ail  in  French  travail. 


ACQUAM 

aiga 

atgo 

AEREM 

aire 

aire 

EXAGIUM 

asai 

assai 

FACERE 

faire 

faire 

MAJUM 

mai 

mai 

RADIUM 

rai 

rai 

(a)  If  this  diphthong  is  in  the  pretonic  position  it  becomes  ei 
with  close  e.     Thus  we  have  aire,  aigo,  but  eirega,  eiga. 

Remark.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  diphthong  ai  whatever  be 
its  source,  as  well  as  the  diphthong  ei,  becomes  ei  with  e  close  in 
the  pretonic  position.  Thus  we  have  paire,  maire,  traire,  rHno, 
lei,  but  peirau,  meirenau,  treirau,  reiau,  leiau.  However  we  find 
ai  irregularly  in  the  future  and  conditional  of  jaire,  caire,  where 
we  should  have  had  ei;  jairai,  jairieu;  cairai,  cairieu.  This  is  due 
to  analogy  with  the  infinitive  where  the  diphthong  is  tonic. 

(b)  For  ouresoun,  resoun,  sesoun  see  §  151,  2  (i). 

(c)  For  -ARius  see  §  149,  3b,  Rem. 

43.  o  open,  followed  by  yod  should  give  ue  or  uei  (§  35).  In 
COQUERE  (cocere),  nocerE  the  o  open  has  not  diphthongized 
and  we  have  in  Rhodanien  couire,  nouire,  the  same  development 
as  for  o  close  (§  44). 

44.  o  close  followed  by  yod  gives  the  falling  diphthong  oui  both 
in  the  tonic  and  pretonic  position. 

ANGUSTiAM  augoisa  angouisso 

COFEA  coifa  couifo 

FENUCUivUM  fenolh  fenoui 

GENUCULUM  genolh  geinoui 

POTiONEM  poizon  pouisoun 

RANUCULA  granolha  granouio 

Remark.     The  ou  of  oui  is  a  simple  close  vowel  [u]]  and  must 
not  be  confused  with  the  diphthong  ou. 
(a)  For  CUNEUM  see  §  74,  2a. 

45.  u  followed  by  yod.  The  examples  are  few.  Nyrop  (I, 
§  205)  marks  the  u  of  buxum  long  but  Rhodanien  bouis  shows 
the  result  of  a  short  u.  In  coundurre,  Lat.  conducERE  and  agusa, 
Lat.  ACUTiARE,  the  palatal  has  left  no  trace.  In  aguio,  Old 
Provengal  agulha,  Lat.  acucui^a  (Meyer-Lubke,  Wort.  119)  we 
have  an  example  of  the  regular  development  i.e.  ui  or  uio. 


22  MODERN   PROVENgAL  PHONOLOGY 

46.  AU  followed  by  yod  is  preserved  in  gati,  Old  Provengal 
gaug,  Lat.  GAUDIUM.  Rhodanien  nouiso,  Old  ProvenQal  noiza, 
Lat.  NAUSEA  shows  the  influence  of  the  French  noise. 

(a)  For  a  discussion  of  joio,  Lat.  gaudia  see  §  29b. 

iNi^LimNC^  oif  TH^  Nasals 

47.  The  nasals  m  and  n  have  a  tendency,  as  in  French,  to  com- 
municate part  of  their  nasality  to  the  preceding  vowel.  In 
certain  parts  of  the  Provencal  field  Folk  Latin  E  open  and  o 
open  became  close  before  the  nasals.  Rhodanien  has  retained 
the  original  quality  of  the  vowels  in  this  position  and  there  is  no 
confusion  of  en  and  an.  The  nasal  is  not  as  marked  as  in  French 
and  m  and  n  do  not  become  silent  but  assume  the  sound  of  the 
velar   nasal  in  English  sing  [r;].      Compare  the  French  enfant 

[afaj  with  Rhodanien  enfant  [eryfa?;]]- 

Unacckntkd  Vowels 
Finals 

48.  All  the  final  atonic  vowels  disappear  except  a  (§52) 

AMicuM  amic  ami 

COLAPHUM  COlp  cop 

CORNUM  corn  cor 

HABERE  aver  ave 

PANEM  pan  pan 

(a)  Before  final  -nt  of  verbs  K  and  u  are  retained  as  e  and  0. 

CANTENT  canten  canten 

VENDUNT  vendon  vendon 

(b)  Latin  i  and  u  survive  if  they  immediately  follow  an  accented 
vowel. 

MEi  mei(miei)  mi 

MEUM  meu  mieu 

DEUM  deu  di^u 

49.  Certain  groups  of  final  consonants  require  a  supporting 
vowel.  These  groups  may  be  primitive  or  may  have  been  pro- 
duced by  the  dropping  of  an  unaccented  vowel  between  consonants. 
This  vowel  may  be  regarded  as  a  remnant  of  the  original  vowel 
or  as  a  vowel  added  for  ease  of  pronunciation.  The  vowel  is  e 
unless  these  combinations  were  followed  by  a  (§  52). 


MODERN   PROVENCAL   PHONOI.OGY  23 

50.  The  groups  of  consonants  demanding  a  supporting  vowel 
are  as  follows : 

(i)  A  consonant  followed  by  h  or  r. 

ALTER  *  autre  autre 

CURRERE  corre  courre 

DUPLUM  doble  double 

RUMPERE  rompre  roumpre 

(2)  A  labial  followed  by  a  dental. 

COMITEM  ^      comte  coumte 

DEBiTUM  depte  deute 

HOMiNEM  omne  ome 

HOSPiTEM  oste  oste 

(3)  In  proparoxytones  a  consonant  followed  by  c. 

DUODECEM  dotze  douge 

JUDICEM  jutge  juge 

MEDicuM  metge  mege 

(4)  In  proparoxytones  a  consonant  followed  by  m. 

DEciMUM  desme  deime 

(5)  In  some  cases  a  consonant  followed  by  yod. 

GEORGius  Jortge  Jorge 

RABiEM  ratge  rage 

RUBEUM  rotge  rouge 

SOMNIUM  songe  sounge 

(6)  In  the  groups  lm,  rm,  sm,  but  rather  irregularly. 

GERMEN  germe  germe 

HELM  elme  kume 

SPASiMUM  espasme  espaime 

ULMUM  olme  dume 

51.  In  many  cases  the  first  of  the  two  consonants  has  dis- 
appeared or  has  vocalized.  This  change  took  place  in  some  cases 
in  Old  Provengal  in  others  not  till  modern  times. 

BiBERE  beure  heure 


CREDERE 

creire 

crHre 

FACERE 

faire 

faire 

JUDICEM 

jutge 

juge 

PAUPERUM 

paubre 

paure 

24  MODERN   PROVENgAIv   PHONOI.OGY 

52.  Final  A  atonic  (§  48)  is  preserved  in  Old  Provengal  but  is 
represented  in  Rhodanien  by  unstressed  0. 


AMIGA 

arniga 

amtgo 

BONA 

bona 

bono 

FAMII.IA 

familha 

famiho 

Remark.  This  0  represents  practically  the  same  sound  as  the 
French  mute  e  although  there  is  slightly  more  rounding.  In  early 
French  texts  there  is  some  confusion  in  the  representation  of  this 
sound.     In  the  Oaths  of  Strasbourg  we  have  poblo,  fradre,  fradra. 

COUNTKRFINAI^S 

53.  Counterfinals  disappear  (except  a  §  55). 


BONITATEM 

bontat 

bounta 

CIVITATBM 

ciutat 

cieuta 

COLI.OCARK 

colgar(cochar) 

coucha 

MA.NDUCARE 

man  jar 

manja 

MISCUIvARE 

mesclar 

mescla 

RADICINA 

racina 

racino 

SANITATEM 

santat 

■  santa 

54.  Certain  groups  of  consonants  (§  50)  necessitate  a  supporting 
vowel. 

CAi^UMNiARE         .     calomniar  calounia 

PAPiuoNKM  pabalhon  pavaioun 

PEREGRiNUM  pelegrin  pelerin 

(a)  The  retention  of  the  vowel  in  other  cases  is  due  to  analogy 
with  some  cognate  word.  Thus  the  retention  of  the  counterfinal 
in  amourous,  pertusay  couloura,  is  due  to  analogy  with  amour, 
pertus,  coulour. 

(b)  This  is  especially  common  in  the  case  of  a  number  of  sub- 
stantives formed  from  verbs  with  the  suflBxes  -mEntum,  -Tura,  as 
ferimen,  vestidouro  from  feri,  vesti. 

(c)  The  counterfinal  is  retained  in  learned  words  such  as  irrita, 
capitan,  visita,  verita. 

55.  A  counterfinal  remains. 

cantatorem  cantadour  cantadou 

invasionem  envasion  envasioun 

MARGARITA  margarida  margarido 

occasionbm  ocasion  oiicasioun 


MODERN   PROVENCAL  PHONOLOGY  25 


Penultimates 

.  Atonic  penultimate  vowels  usually  disappear. 

ARBOREM 

albre 

aubre 

ASINUM 

asne 

ase 

CAMERA 

cambra 

camhro 

CREDERE 

creire 

crHre 

VIRIDEM 

vert 

verd 

(a)  This  phenomenon  was  not  as  common  in  Provengal  as  in 
French.  In  Old  Provencal  we  find  the  penultimates  have  re- 
mained in  the  following  cases  though  the  stress  has  been  shifted 
so  that  they  are  no  longer  proparoxytones.  '-*  '*^ 

lampada  lamp^za  lampeso 

LAGRiMA  lagr^ma  lagremo 

pulverEm  polv^ra  polvero 

TjIpida  teb^za  tebeso 

(b)  As  a  rule  the  retention  of  the  atonic  penultimate  in  the 
modern  tongue  causes  one  to  suspect  a  learned  origin  as  the  Folk 
words  either  shifted  the  accent  like  the  examples  above  or  else 
lost  the  final  syllable  as  orre,  Old  Provengal,  orreza,  Lat.  horrida. 

COUNTERPENXJLTIMATES 

57.  We  give  this  name  to  the  second  of  three  syllables  preceding 
the  stress.  The  number  of  these  words  is  small  and  the  develop- 
ment not  always  regular.  Their  treatment  in  French  has  been 
discussed  by  Dr.  E-  C.  Armstrong  in  Modern  Language  Notes 
1895,  pp.  175-180.  His  theory  seems  applicable  also  to  Pro- 
vengal.  The  same  conclusions  are  reached  by  Schultz-Gora 
(§56).  The  secondary  stress  falls  on  the  first  of  the  three  syllables 
preceding  the  primary  stress  save  in  composita,  where  it  falls 
on  the  second  syllable.  In  either  case  the  counterfinal  falls  and 
the  counterpenultimate  remains. 


AMICITATEM 

amistat 

amista 

CUMINITLARE 

comenzar 

coumenga 

MINISTERARIUM 

menestrier 

menestrie 

(a)  Some  words  where  the  counterpenultimate  falls  seem  to  have 
been  late  Latin  or  early  Romance  formations.  Thus  aspreta, 
Old  Provencal  aspretat  is  formed  on  asprum  or  at  least  influenced 
by  it.     This  can  be  seen  even  more  clearly  in  dounzello,  Old  Pro- 


26  MODERN   PROVENCAL  PHONOLOGY 

vengal  donzella  which  must  have  come  from  domna  and  not  from 

DOMINA. 

Initial 

58.  Initial  vowels  bear  a  secondary  stress  and  hence  usually 
survive.  They  have  been  treated  under  stressed  vowels  in  the 
pretonic  position. 

Consonants 

59.  In  treating  the  development  of  the  vowels,  the  accent  was 
found  to  be  of  great  importance.  In  dealing  with  the  consonants 
the  determining  factor  is  not  the  accent  but  the  position  in  the 
word.  There  are  two  positions,  strong  and  weak.  In  the  strong 
position  consonants  usually  remain,  in  the  weak  position  they 
change  and  may  even  disappear.  A  consonant  is  in  the  strong 
position  when  it  is  initial  in  a  word,  bonum,  or  initial  in  a  syllable 
after  a  consonant,  carbonEm.  A  consonant  is  in  the  weak  position 
when  it  is  intervocalic,  ripam,  or  final  in  a  syllable  before  another 
syllable  that  begins  with  a  consonant,  capram.  A  final  con- 
sonant may  be  free,  i.e.  preceded  by  a  vowel,  capum,  or  supported, 
i.e.  preceded  by  a  consonant,  colpum. 

60.  Thus  in  dealing  with  each  consonant  we  shall  treat  it  as  far 
as  possible  under  the  following  heads:  (i)  initial,  i.e.  initial  in  a 
word  or  initial  in  a  syllable  after  a  consonant,  (2)  Intervocalic, 
(3)  Followed  by  a  consonant,  (4)  Interconsonantal,  (5)  Final. 

61.  We  will  treat  the  Folk  Latin  consonants  in  the  following 
order:  (i)  The  nasals  m,  n,  and  N  mouille.  (2)  The  laterals  l  and 
L  mouill^.  (3)  The  trill  r.  (4)  The  stops  p,  b,  t,  d,  c,  g.  (5) 
The  fricatives  F,  v,  w,  s,  j,  h. 

Nasals 

62.  There  are  certain  changes  to  be  noted  that  took  place  in  the 
Folk  Latin  period. 

(i)  M  final  in  an  atonic  syllable  disappeared  very  early.  Thus 
all  the  Romance  languages  derive  from  forms  without  m  such  as 

SBPTE,  DOLORE,  MUTO,  ROSA. 

(2)  N  final  was  treated  like  m  in  the  same  position.  Thus  we 
have  EXAMK,  LEvamk,  nomE,  instead  of  ExamEn,  lEvamen, 
NOMEN,  as  etyma  of  the  Romance  words. 

(3)  In  the  group  ns,  the  n  disappeared  very  early,  so  the  Folk 
Latin  forms  are  isula,  mese,  pesare,  sposa,  instead  of  the  Book 
Latin  insulam,  mensem,  pensare,  sponsam. 


MODERN  PROVENgAI<  PHONOI^OGY 


27 


M 


63.  M  initial  remains. 


ARMA 

arma 

armo 

FIRMARE 

fermar 

ferma 

MARE 

mar 

mar 

MINUS 

mens 

mens 

MUTARE 

mudar 

muda 

VERMICUI.UM 

vermelh 

vermei 

bas  become  w  in  a 

few  isolated  cases. 

MAPPA 

napa 

napo 

MATTA 

natta 

nato 

Remark.  While  n  in  napo  can  be  explained  by  dissimilation  of 
labials,  the  n  of  nato  must  be  explained  by  assimilation  i.e.  the 
effect  of  the  dental  t  has  caused  the  m  to  become  n. 

64.  M  intervocalic  remains  in  all  cases. 


AMARUM 
AMAT 
CAMINUM 
CIMA 


amar 
ama 
camin 
cima 


amar 

amo 

camin 

cimo 


CAMPUM 
IvAMPADA 


65.  M  followed  by  a  consonant  remains. 

CAMBiARE  cambiar 

camp 

lampeza 
RUMPERE  rompre 

(a)  Before  dentals  M  becomes  n. 

AMITA  tanta 

COMPUTARE  comtar 

DOMiTARE  domtar 

PUMICEM  pomesa 

66.  Certain  groups  of  consonants  must  be  treated  separately, 
(i)  Mj.     See  §  150,  4. 

(2)  ML.     In  this  group  h  usually  developes  between  m  and  / 

<§  161). 

CUMULARE  comblar  coumhla 

HUMiLEM  umble  umble 

INSIMUI^  ensemble  ensemble 

TREMULARE  tremblar  trambla 


Gambia 
camp 
lampeso 
roumpre 


tanto 
counta 
dounta 
poungo 


28  MODERN   PROVBNgAL  PHONOLOGY 

(a)  Some  dialects  have  preserved  the  vowel  between  the  m  and 
the  /  in  many  of  these  cases,  and  this  has  given  rise  to  doublets 
such  as  trambla  and  tremoula,  coumhla  and  coumoula. 

(3)  MM.     This  group  is  regularly  reduced  to  m. 

FLAMMA  flama  flamo 

GEMMA  gema  gemo 

SUMMA  soma  soumo 

(4)  MN.  This  group  remained  in  Old  Provencal  although 
doublets  in  m  show  that  assimilation  had  begun.  In  Rhodanien 
it  has  become  w.  ' 

FEMINA  femna  femo 

HOMiNEM  omne  (ome)  ome 

NOMiNAR  nomnar  nouma 

SOMNUM  som  som 

(a)  The  same  assimilation  takes  place  when  this  group  is  pre- 
ceded by  R. 

CARMiNARE  charmar  charma 

CARMiNUM  charme  charme 

TERMINUM  terme  terme 

(b)  In  certain  learned  words  of  early  date  the  assimilation  has 
been  to  the  n. 


AUTUMNUM 

automne 

autoun 

COLUMNA 

colomna 

coulouno 

DAMNAR 

damnar 

dana 

DOMINA 

domna 

dono 

(5)  MR.  In  this  group  h  is  usually  developed  between  m  and  r 
(§  162). 

CAMERA  cambra  chambro 

MEMORARE  membrar  membra 

NUMERUM  nombre  noumbre 

(a)  In  the  group  rmr,  of  marmor,  b  has  replaced  m  giving  in 
Old  Provencal  marbre  and  marmre.  Rhodanien  has  preserved 
the  second  form  but  has  dropped  the  second  r,  giving  marme. 

67.  M  final.  There  are  two  cases,  (i)  Where  m  was  final  in  the 
Latin  period.     (2)  Where  m  became  final  in  the  Romance  period. 

(i)  Original  final  M  disappeared  early  in  the  Folk  Latin  period 
(62,  i).  Book  Latin  murum,  dolorem,  rosam,  amem,  became 
Folk  Latin  muru,  dolore,  rosa,  ame. 


MODERN   PROVENgAL  PHONOI.OGY 


29 


(a)  In  monosyllables  it  survived  as  n. 


MEUM 
TUUM 
SUUM 
REM 


mon 
ton 
son 
ren 


moun 
toun 
soun 
rkn 


(2)  M  which  became  final  in  the  Romance  period  remains. 

fam  Jam 

ferm  Jerm 

lum  lum 


FAMEM 

FIRMUM 

LUMEN 


NOMEN 


nom 


noum 


N 


68.  N  initial  remains. 


ALNUM 

alne 

auno 

ORNARE 

orna 

ourna 

NASUM 

nas 

nas 

NOMEN 

nom 

noum 

(a)  In  ase,  Old  Provencal  asne,  Lat.  asinum,  n  has  disappeared. 

(b)  For  MN  and  rmn  see  §  66,  4,  4a. 

(c)  In  a  number  of  proparoxytones  N  has  been  replaced  by  r- 

cophinum  cofre  cofre 

DiACONUM  diagre  dtacre 

ORDiNEM  ordre  ordre 

TYMPANUM  timbre  timbre 

(d)  Under  the  same  circumstances  N  has  disappeared  in  pampOf 
Old  Provengal  pampa,  Lat.  pampinum. 

(e)  After  g  [d5],  n  has  disappeared  in  the  following  cases. 


IMAGINEM 

image 

image 

marginem 

marge 

marge 

PAGINEM 

page 

page 

virginem 

verge 

merge 

(f)  In  degun,  Lat.  necunus,  d  is  the  result  of  dissimilation 
(Schultz-Gora,  §  93). 

69.  n  intervocalic  remains. 

DONARE  donar  douna 

LANA  lana  lano 

LUNA  luna  luno 


30 


MODERN  PROVBNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 


70.  N  followed  by  a  consonant  remains. 


BONITATEM 

bontat 

bounta 

INPANTEM 

enfant 

enfant 

PI^NTA 

planta 

planto 

PONERE 

ponre 

poundre 

SENTIRE 

sentir 

senti 

VENDERE 

vendre 

vkndre 

VINDICARE 

venjar 

venja 

VENTUM 

vent 

vbnt 

71.  The  following  groups  must  be  treated  separately. 
(i)  Nj.     See  §  74. 

(2)  NM.  The  N  of  this  group  has  become  r  in  the  following 
words. 

ANiMA  arma  armo 

MiNiMARE  mermar  merma 

(a)  In  some  dialects  of  Old  Provencal  n  in  this  group  was  as- 
similated to  the  M,  giving  doublets  (Schultz-Gora  §  94b).  Thus 
we  have  amo  as  well  as  armo. 

(3)  NN.     This  group  is  regularly  reduced  to  n. 


crunnire 

PENNA 


gronir 
pena 


groum 
peno 


(a)  Words  where  double  n  appears  such  as  annalo,  annau, 
anniversdrif  are  learned  or  half  learned. 

(4)  NR.  This  group  developes  d  between  n  and  r  giving  the 
group  ndr  (§  164). 

cendre  ckndre 

divenres  divendre 

engenrar  engendra 

ponre  poundre 

tendre  tbndre 


CINEREM 
DIES  VENERIS 

INGENERARE 

PONERE 

TENERUM 


(a)  This  group  remained  unaltered  in  many  dialects  but  Rho- 
danien  has  always  retained  the  forms  with  d.  The  d  is  commoner 
too  in  the  modem  dialectal  forms  than  it  was  in  Old  Provengal. 

(5)  NS.  This  group  as  we  have  already  said  (§62,  3)  was  re- 
duced early  to  s.  Words  containing  ns  such  as  ansOy  dejknsoy  re- 
sponse, semounsOy  are  learned. 

(a)  Even  in  learned  words  there  was  a  strong  tendency  in  some 
dialects  to  assimilate,  giving  5s  (Grandgent,  §  76). 


MODERN  PROVENQAI,  PHONOI<OGY  3 1 

72.  N  interconsonantal  disappears. 


CARNES 

cars 

car 

DIURNOS 

jors 

jour 

FURNOS 

fors 

Jour 

HIBERNOS 

ivers 

iver 

PERNUIyA 

perla 

perlo 

Remark.  In  the  case  of  words  like  carnes,  diurnos,  etc. 
Old  ProvenQal  had  a  nominative  case  cars,  jors  and  an  accusative 
earn,  jorn.  A  new  accus.  form  without  n  followed  the  analogy  of 
the  nom.  (for  similar  phenomenon  in  French  see  Nyrop  I  §  331). 

73.  N  final.  In  unstressed  syllables,  as  we  have  already  stated 
(§  62,  2),  N  final  disappeared.  N  which  became  final  in  the 
Romance  period  survived  in  Rhodanien. 

DONUM  don  doun 

PANEM  pan  pan 

SINUM  sen  sen 

viNUM  vin  vin 

Remark.  In  this  position  Rhodanien  n  has  the  velar  pronun- 
ciation [77]. 

(a)  An  N  that  was  intervocalic  in  Latin  and  has  become  final  in 
Romance,  tended  to  disappear  in  nearly  all  the  Old  Provengal 
territory  (Schultz-Gora,  §  93b).  Thus  we  have  in  Old  Provengal 
can,  man,  ben,  and  ca,  ma,  be.  Rhodanien  has  always  preserved 
these  n's. 

N  Mouill^  [ji] 

74.  The  palatal  nasal  n  mouill^  [ji]  was  unknown  to  Book 
Latin.  It  developed  in  Folk  Latin  from  the  combinations  Nj, 
NG,  and  ON.  Thus  the  Book  Latin  forms  vinEa,  unea,  cingERE, 
PUGNUM,  became  in  Folk  Latin  [vijia],  [lijia],  [kijiere],  [pujio]. 
This  N  mouille  survived  in  all  cases  in  Old  Provengal  but  in 
Rhodanien  there  are  two  cases  to  consider:  (i)  Intervocalic, 
(2)  Final. 

(i)  When  intervocalic,  N  mouill^  remained.  In  Old  Provencal 
it  was  represented  by  nh  but  in  Rhodanien  by  gn  as  in  French. 


AGNEI.LUM 

anhel 

agnku 

CINGERE 

cenher 

cegne 

DIGNARE 

denhar 

degna 

INSIGNIA 

ensenha 

ensigne 

32  MODERN   PROVENgAI,  PHONOIyOGY 


UNEA 

linha 

ligno 

MONTANEA 

montanha 

mountagno 

SENIORKM 

senhor 

segnour 

VBRECUNDIA 

vergonha 

vergougno 

VINKA 

vinha 

vigno 

(2)  When  final,  N  mouill^  remains  in  Old  Provengal  but  in 
Rhodanien  loses  its  palatal  quality  and  becomes  the  velar  nasal 
\ji}  represented  by  «  (§  73,  Rem.). 

BALNEUM  banh  han 

coTONEUM  codonh  coudoun 

jUNiUM  junh  jun 

PUGNUM  ponh  poung 

(a)  As  a  rule  n  mouill^  does  not  develop  a  yod  preceding  it  as  in 
French  (Nyrop  I,  §  230)  or  as  the  other  palatals  (§39  et  seq.). 
Thus  couin,  Old  Provengal  conh,  Lat.  cuneum  shows  the  treat- 
ment of  o  close  followed  by  yod  (§  44)  and  is  probably  due  to  the 
influence  of  French  or  some  Franco-Provengal  dialect  where  N 
mouilld  lost  its  palatal  quality  after  developing  a  yod  as  in  French 
coin. 

(b)  The  g  of  poung,  Old  Provengal  ponh,  Lat.  pugnum  is  due 
to  French  influence  or  is  a  reconstruction  from  the  Latin. 

(c)  A  few  words  of  late  date  show  French  influence.  The  yod 
has  not  combined  with  the  n  but  has  become  [dz]  (Nyrop,  I, 

§334)- 

Extraneum  estranh(e)  estrange 

granea  granja  gran  jo 

LINEum  linge  Unge 

(d)  Rhodanien  is  characterized  by  the  great  number  of  learned 
words  ending  in  unstressed  i  coming  from  Latin  words  ending  in 
a  consonant  followed  by  yod  (cf.  §  153  et  seq).  Testimbni,  Old 
Provengal  testimoni,  Latin  testimonium,  is  of  this  type.  Rho- 
danien temouin  on  the  same  root  is  French.  (§  74,  2a). 

Laterals 

75.  Book  Latin  had  two  laterals,  the  ordinary  dental  as  in 
LAna,  ALA,  clarus,  and  a  lateral  before  a  consonant  which  was 
probably  velar,  as  in  alba,  talpa,  palma,  etc.  The  first  of  these 
survived  but  the  second  was  lost  early  by  vocalizing  to  u  (Nyrop 


MODERN   PROVENgAI^  PHONOIvOGY 


33 


I  §  337)-  Besides  this  dental  lateral,  a  palatal  lateral  developed 
under  certain  conditions  from  the  groups  Lj,  ci^,  gl,  JI.  (Nyrop  I, 
§  337)-  This  is  known  as  h  mouill^  [X]  which  in  northern  Gaul 
lost  its  first  element  and  became  yod  but  which  survived  in  Old 
Provengal,  Italian,  Spanish  and  Portuguese.  In  Rhodanien  it  is 
reduced  to  yod  as  in  French. 


76.  L  initial  remains. 

LEGKM 

lei 

IH 

LANA 

lana 

lano 

UBKRARE 

liurar 

lieura 

77.  I,  intervocalic  remains 

• 

AI^ 

ala 

alo 

DOI.ORKM 

dolor 

doulour 

TEI.AM 

tela 

telo 

VOCALEM 

vocal 

voucalo 

78.  h  followed  by  a  consonant.  In  Old  Provengal  h  remains 
in  this  position  except  before  the  Unguals  T,  d,  n,  s,  where  it  may 
vocalize  to  u  (Schultz-Gora,  §  96b).  Even  in  these  cases  if  we 
judge  by  the  spelling  there  seems  to  have  been  a  great  deal  of 
irregularity,  some  dialects  retaining  the  l  and  some  vocalizing  it. 
In  Rhodanien  the  treatment  is  uniform  and  unaffected  by  the 
following  consonant.     It  always  vocalizes. 


AI.BA 

alba 

aubo 

AIvTERUM 

autre 

autre 

CABAI.I.UM 

caval 

cavauickivau) 

CULPA 

colpa 

coupo 

FALCONBM 

falcon 

faucoun 

FILTRUM 

feltre 

feutre 

MOLERE 

moire 

mourre 

POLUCEM 

poise 

potice 

PUI.VEREM 

polvera 

pouvero 

SOLIDARE 

soldar 

souda 

TALPA 

talpa 

taupo 

79.  The  following  groups  must  be  taken  up  separately, 
(i)  LJ.     See  §  81. 

{2)  LR.     The  tendency  of  this  group  is  to  develop  d  between 
h  and  R.     The  l  is  then  vocalized  to  u  (§  163). 


34 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOI.OGY 


ABSOLVERK 

absoldre 

absoudre 

FULGUR 

foldre 

foudre 

VAI.KRAJO 

valrai 

vaudrai 

VOIylSRAJO 

volrai 

voudrai 

(a)  In  some  cases  assimilation  has  taken  place  afterwards,  pro- 
ducing forms  like  vaurrat,  vourrai.  This  is  the  explanation  of 
Rhodanien  mourre,  Lat.  moi<KRE. 

(3)  CI.,  GL,  Ji..     These  groups  give  i,  mouill£  (§81). 

(4)  MI..  {^66,  2;  §  161). 

(5)  TL.  This  group  became  ci.  in  the  Folk  I^atin  period  (Nyrop 
I>  §  34i>  3)>  and  as  such  gives  i.  mouill6  (§81).  In  roula,  Old  Pro- 
vengal  rotlar,  Lat.  rotulare,  t  has  disappeared  after  passing 
through  the  fricative  stage.  Old  Provengal  rotlar  must  have 
become  [ro91ar]  before  reaching  the  stage  roula  (Nyrop  I,  §  341, 

3)- 

(a)  In  a  few  words  of  learned  or  foreign  origin  the  i.  of  the 

combination  Ti.  becomes  r  or  disappears.  The  popular  tendency 
seems  to  be  for  the  i.  to  disappear.  In  some  of  these  cases  there 
are  doublets  and  one  must  suspect  French  influence  in  the  case  of 
those  retaining  r. 


CARTUI.A 

CAPITUI.UM 


car  tra  (carta) 
capitre 


carto 

capita  (capite) 


80.  I.  final.  In  Old  Provengal  i,  final  survived  although  in 
certain  dialects  (Schultz-Gora,  §  95b)  this  /  tended  to  vocalize 
after  certain  vowels.  This  tendency  has  become  general  in 
Rhodanien  (§  8oa). 


APRILKM 

abril 

ahrieu 

CABALI^UM 

caval 

cavau(chivau) 

CAELUM 

eel 

cku 

PILUM 

fil 

fieu 

HOSPITALEM 

ostal 

oustau 

MHh 

mel 

mku 

MOI^IvEM 

mol 

mou 

QUAI.EM 

cal 

quau 

SAI. 

sal 

sau 

SOI.UM 

sol 

sdu 

TALEM 

tal 

tau 

VAI.I.EM 

val 

vau 

MODERN  PROVKNgAL  PHONOI.OGY  35 

(a)  This  vocalization  does  not  take  place  after  on  or  w. 

SOLUM  sol  soul 

PUIylvUM  pol  pOUl 

NUiyiyUM  nul  nul 

(b)  As  /  regularly  vocalizes  after  i^  ml  must  be  either  foreign 
or  learned. 

L  mouill6  [X] 

81.  This  sound  was  unknown  to  Book  Latin  but  must  have 
developed  in  Folk  Latin  as  it  is  found  in  all  the  Romance  languages 
with  the  exception  of  Sardinian  and  Roumanian. 

There  is  a  tendency  in  the  modern  Romance  languages  to  reduce 
the  sound  to  yod  as  in  French  travail  and  Spanish- American  pro- 
nunciation of  caballo  [kabajo].  The  Latin  sources  of  [X]  are 
LJ,  CI.,  GL,  JL.  The  results  may  be  classified  according  to  the 
position  of  [X]  i.e.  intervocalic  and  final. 

82.  I,  mouill^  intervocalic  is  reduced  to  yod  as  in  French  (Nyrop 
I>  §  351)  and  is  represented  in  Rhodanien  by  i. 


COAGULARE 

calhar 

caia 

FOIylAM 

folha 

fueio 

MACUIvA 

malha 

maio 

MEUOREM 

trielhor 

meiour 

PAI.EA 

palha 

paio 

(a)  After  i  Rhodanien  uses  h  to  represent  this  same  sound 
(§  41b,  Rem). 

APiCLA  abelha(abilha)        abiho 

AURici^A  aurelha(aurilha)     auriho 

MANici<A  manilha  maniho 

Remark.  The  ending  -iho  is  very  common  in  Rhodanien.  The 
following  words  are  found  in  Mistral:  abiho,  aubriho,  auceliho, 
auriho,  broundiho,  clapiho,  erboriho,  escaviho,  fountaniho,  groubiho, 
graniho,  grasiho,  graviho,  mangiho,  maniho,  mountiho,  pacaniho, 
pastriho,  pauriho,  ramiho,  raubiho,  roucassiho,  soumiho,  tourriho. 

83.  t,  mouill^  final  is  likewise  reduced  to  yod  and  represented  in 
Rhodanien  by  i. 

AUUM  alh  at 

FENUCUI.UM  fenolh  fenoui 


36 


MODERN   PROVENgAt  PHONOLOGY 


GENUCULUM 

genolh 

geinoui 

MALI.EUM 

malh 

mat 

OCULUM 

olh 

uei 

URGOIvI 

orgolh 

ourgttei 

TREPAUUM 

trebalh 

travai 

VECI.UM 

velh 

viH 

(a)  In  the  case  of  the  Old  Provengal  ending  -elh,  represented  in 
Rhodanien  by  -eu  (§  41a,  Rem.)  there  was  probably  a  confusion 
with  the  suffix  -el,  Lat.  -Siyi^us,  as  the  treatment  is  that  of  -el  not 
of  -elh  (§80). 

84.  The  Latin  had  only  one  trilled  consonant,  the  linguo-dental 
R.  This  R  is  found  in  all  the  Romance  languages.  (Nyrop  I 
§  355)-  ^^e  uvular  r,  found  in  parts  of  the  Gallic  territory,  was 
unknown  to  the  Old  French  and  Old  Provengal  and  is  a  later 
development.  (Nyrop  I,  §  356).  It  is  found  especially  in  the 
large  cities  and  is  not  as  common  in  the  Provencal  territory  as  it  is 
in  the  north.  However  it  exists  at  Avignon  and  St.  Remy  (Mis- 
tral, Tresor  p.  697).  We  will  not  attempt  to  distinguish  between 
these  r's  but  will  treat  them  alike. 


85.  R  initial  remains. 


REGEM                        rei 

rH 

REGINA                       reina 

reino 

ROSAM                        rosa 

roso 

ntervocalic  remains. 

CORONA                      corona 

courouno 

ERAT                           era 

ero 

PARABOLA                  paraula 

paraulo 

PARARE                       parar 

para 

PARicuLUM                parelh 

parku 

(a)  There  are  a  few  forms  where  R  in  this  position  has  been 
replaced  by  iv.  Some  of  these  cases,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  ex- 
amples, can  be  explained  by  dissimilation  but  other  cases  cannot 
be  accounted  for  in  that  way. 

FRiGOROSUM  frejures  frejoulous 


PARAVEREDUM 
PEREGRINUM 


palafren 
pelegrin 


palafren 
pelegrin  ■ 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY  37 

Remark.     This  change  of  r  to  /  is  very  frequent  in  the  patois  in 
the  different  parts  of  France.     (Nyrop  I,  §  359). 

87.  Consonant  followed  by  R.     The  r  remains  in  Rhodanien. 


CAPRAM 

cabra 

cabro 

CRUCKM 

crotz 

crous 

FRIGIDUM 

freg 

fre 

GRANUM 

gran 

gran 

PRATUM 

prat 

prat 

(a)  There  are  a  few  cases  where  R  has  been  replaced  by  /. 

FRAGRARE  flairar  fleira 

TKMPORA  temple  temple  (tempe) 

Remark.     The  /  of  fleira  can  be  explained  by  dissimilation  but 
not  the  /  of  temple. 

88.  R  followed  by  a  consonant  remains  in  Rhodanien. 

BARBA  barba  barbo 


FIRMARE 

fermar 

ferma 

PORCUM 

pore 

pore 

SERVIRK 

servir 

servi 

(a)  By  metathesis  this  r  is  sometimes  advanced. 

FORMATicuM  formatgc  froumage 

PAUPERTATEM  paubretat  paureta 

(b)  In  Lat.  arborEm  the  first  r  has  become  /  through  dis- 
similation. The  /  has  vocalized  before  a  consonant  (§78)  giving 
Rhodanien  aubre, 

89.  Certain  consonant  groups  must  be  treated  separately, 
(i)  LR.     (§79,  2;  §  163.) 

(2)  MR.     (§66,  5;  §  162.) 

(3)  NR.     (§  71,  4;  §  164). 

(4)  SR.  In  this  group  t  is  developed  between  s  and  r  in  the 
following  words. 

ANTECESSOR  ancestre  anckstre 

ESSERE  estre  kstre 

(5)  Rj.     (§  149,  3). 

90.  R  final.     In  the  literary  language,  r  final  remains  (§  90a). 

CARUM  car  car 

COR  cor  cor 

FERUM  fer  Jkr 

FLOREM  flor  flour 


38  MODERN   PROVENgAI,  PHONOI.OGY 

(a)  The  final  r  of  the  infinitives  has  disappeared  in  all  parts  of 
the  Provengal  territory  except  in  the  Dauphin6  and  the  Alps. 
(Mistral,  Tresor  II,  p.  679).  In  the  ending  -adou,  Old  Provengal 
-ador,  Lat.  -atorEm,  the  r  has  disappeared  both  in  pronunciation 
and  spelling. 


AMARE 

amar 

ama 

PISCATORKM 

pescador 

pescadou 

PECCATOREM 

pecador 

pecadou 

SERVIRE 

servir 

servi 

VOIvERE 

volor 

voule 

Remark.  For  a  complete  treatment  of  r  in  the  various  parts  of 
the  Provencal  territory  see  Mistral,  Tresor  p.  679. 

91.  RR.  This  is  the  one  case  in  which  the  doubled  consonants 
of  the  Latin  are  preserved  in  Rhodanien.  When  intervocalic  the 
retention  is  general  but  when  final  reduction  sometimes  takes 
place. 

(i)  Intervocalic. 


CURRERE 

corre 

courre 

CORRUPTIARE 

corrosar 

courroussa 

ERROREM 

error 

errour 

TERRAM 

terra 

terro 

(2)  Final.  Here  the  group  rr  seems  to  have  required  a  sup- 
porting vowel  when  reduction  did  not  take  place.  Sometimes 
there  are  doublets. 

CARRUM  carre  carre 

FERRUM  ferre(fer)  Jerri  (Jer) 

Stops 

92.  The  stops  are:  labials  p,  b;  dentals  T,  d;  palatals  c,  G.  Their 
development  in  the  different  positions  is  fairly  uniform.  In  the 
strong  position  they  remain  practically  unchanged.  Before  a 
consonant  they  disappear  either  by  assimilation  or  by  vocalization. 
Intervocalic  they  tend  to  weaken  and  in  some  cases  change  their 
class.  The  voiceless  stops  in  this  position  tend  to  become  voiced 
and  the  voiced  stops  to  become  fricatives. 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOIyOGY  39 


P 

93.  p  initial  remains  unchanged. 


ASPERUM 

aspre 

aspre 

PANEM 

pan 

pan 

PURUM 

pur 

pur 

PLENUM 

plen 

plen 

TALPA 

talpa 

taupo 

VESPA 

vespa 

guespo 

(a)  In  a  few  isolated  cases  p  initial  in  a  syllable  after  a  con- 
sonant disappears. 

EPiSCOPUM  evesque  evesque 

PRINCIPEM  prince  prince 

94.  p  followed  by  a  consonant. 
.    (i)  P  followed  by  L  or  R  becomes  h. 


APRILEM 

abril 

ahrieu 

CAPRA 

cabra 

cabro 

DUPLUM 

doble 

double 

IvEPOREM 

lebre 

lebre 

(a)  Words  like  caprice,  propre,  cipres  are  learned  or  French. 

(2)  pj.     See  §  150,  I. 

(3)  Before  other  consonants  p  disappears. 


ACCAPTAR 

acaptar 

acata 

RUPTA 

rota 

routo 

sap(i)dum 

sade 

sade 

(a)  Caissa,  Old  Provengal  caisa,  Lat.  capsa.  The  explanation 
usually  given  of  this  word  (Grandgent  §  79;  Schultz-Gora  §  68b) 
is  that  PS  became  ks  under  Celtic  influence,  ks  would  give  "  is  " 
regularly  in  Old  Provengal  and  iss  in  Rhodanien.  A  better  ex- 
planation is  suggested  by  Brunei,  (Romania  Vol.  46,  No.  181,  p. 
115).  He  suggests  the  etymon  capsea  instead  of  capsa.  As- 
similation would  give  cassea  which  would  regularly  give  caissa 
(Grandgent  p.  67). 

(b)  Escricho,  Old  Provengal  escricha,  Lat.  scripta  is  due  to 
analogy  with  dicho,  Old  Provengal  dicha,  Lat.  dictam.  In  the 
masculine  form  of  the  past  part,  escri,  Old  Provengal  escrich,  Lat. 
scriptum,  the  ch  being  final  has  disappeared. 


40 


MODERN   PROVENgAI,  PHONOIvOGY 


95.  p  interconsonantal  disappears. 

COMPUTARE               comtar  counta 

cors  cors 

oste  oste 

terns  (temps)  terns 

(a)  If  the  consonant  following  be  h  or  R,  the  p  remains. 

coMPREHENSiBii,KM  comprensible  coumprensible 

COMPLACERE              complaire  complaire 


CORPUS 

HOSPITEM 

TEMPUS 


96.  p  intervocalic  becomes  b. 

CUPA 

cuba 

cubo 

NIPOTEM 

nebot 

nebout 

RIPA 

riba 

ribo 

SAPONEM 

sabon 

saboun 

(a)  Words  like  apoustbli,  capo,  capito,  epistro,  estupit,  vapour  are 
either  learned  or  come  from  a  form  with  a  double  ^  (§  98). 

97.  p  final  remains  in  spelling,  but  like  all  finals  tends  to  dis- 
appear from  the  pronunciation.  In  Rhodanien  (Mistral,  Tresor 
II,  p.  454)  it  is  silent  and  in  some  of  the  dialects  disappears  from 
spelling  also. 


CAMPUM 

camp 

camp 

CAPUM 

cap 

cap{ca) 

COI.PUM 

colp(cop) 

copico) 

98.  pp.  This  group  is  reduced  to  p.  This  reduction  must  have 
taken  place  after  the  voicing  of  the  intervocalic  voiceless  stops 
otherwise  cappa  would  have  given  cabo  and  not  capo.     (§  96). 


CAPPA 

capa 

capo 

DRAPPUM 

drap 

drap 

MAPPA 

napa 

napo 

SAPPINUM 

sapin 

sapin 

99.  B  initial  remains. 


B 


ALBA 

alba 

aubo 

BENE 

ben 

ben 

BONUM 

bon 

bon 

BRACHIUM 

bratz 

bras 

CARBONEM 

carbon 

carboun 

MODHRN   PROVKNgAL  PHONOI.OGY 


41 


(a)  Cerveu,  Old  Provencal  cervel,  Lat.  cerKbelIvUM.  b  in  this 
word  has  become  v  as  in  the  intervocalic  position.  (§  102).  The 
change  probably  took  place  before  the  fall  of  the  counterfinal 
while  B  was  still  intervocalic.  A  similar  change  has  occurred  in 
French  cerveau.     (Nyrop  I,  §  375). 

100.  B  followed  by  a  consonant.     There  are  numerous  groups. 

(i)  B  followed  by  h  or  R.  In  most  cases  b  remains  although 
there  are  some  cases  where  it  vocalizes  to  u. 

colobra 


C01.UBRA 

FEBREM 

F1.EBILEM 

SABULUM 
STABULUM 


febre 
feble 
sable 
estable 


coulobro 

febre 

feble 

sable 

estable 


(a)  The  following  words  show  vocalization. 


LIBERARE 

lylBRA 

PARABOI.A 


liurar  Ueura 

liura  Ueura 

paraula  paraulo 

(2)  Bj.     See  §  150,  2. 

(3)  B  followed  by  other  consonants  usually  disappears  either 
by  assimilation  or  vocalization. 

CUBITUM  cobde 

DEBiTUM  depte(deute) 

DUBiTARE  dobtar(dotar) 

GABATA  gauta 

SUBTUS  SOtZ 

SUBTII.EM  sobtil(sotil) 

101.  B  interconsonantal  disappears. 

GA1.BINUM  jaune 

PRESBYTER  prestre 

(a)  If  followed  by  R,  it  remains. 

ARBOREM  arbre(albre) 

MEMBRUM  membre 

UMBRA  ombra 

102.  B  intervocalic  became  v. 


couide 

dbute 

douta 

gauto 

sout 

soutieu 


jaune 
prHre 


aubre 

mkmbre 

oumbro 


ABANTE 

CABALlrUM 

FABA 

HIBERNUM 

PROBARE 

TABONEM 


avan 

caval 

fava 

ivern 

provar 

tavan 


avans 

cavau 

favo 

ivbr 

prouva 

tavan 


42  MODERN  PROVENQAI,  PHONOLOGY 

103.  B  final.     There  are  two  cases, 
(i)  Free  it  regularly  vocalizes. 

BiBiT  beu  b^u 

NUBEM  niu  ni^u 

SEBUM  sou  seu 

(2)  Supported  it  becomes  silent  but  is  retained  as  b  in  the 
spelHng.  Old  Provengal  fluctuated  between  b  and  p  in  this 
position. 

CORBUM  corb(corp)  corb 

ORBUM  orp(orb)  orb 

pivUMBUM  plom(plomb)  ploumb 

104.  BB.     This  group  is  reduced  to  6. 

ABBATBM  abat  abat 

(a)  In  dissate,  Old  Provengal  disapte,  Lat.  dies  sabbati,  the 
unstressed  a  having  fallen,  the  group  bb  was  reduced  to  b  and  then 
lost  by  assimilation. 

105.  T  initial  remains. 


CANTARE 

cantar 

canta 

FESTA 

festa 

festo 

TALEM 

tal 

tau 

TRANS 

tras 

tras 

TRIGINTA 

trenta 

trento 

y 


106.  T  followed  by  a  consonant.     The  following  groups  occur 
and  are  treated  separately. 

(i)  TR.     In  this  group  T  has  been  replaced  by  i.     In  Old  French 

the  T  disappeared  after  passing  through  the  fricative  stage  [9 J  (Ny- 

rop  I,  383).     In  Provencal  the  development  must  have  been  some- 

j/\  thing  similar.     The  various  stages  may  be  represented  by  the 

^series  [t]  >  [d]  >  [3]  >  Jz]  >  [i].     (Schultz-Gora  §  75b). 

K^  —  FRATREM  fraire  fraire 

i^ATRO  laire  laire 

MATREM  maire  maire 

PATREM  paire  paire 

PETRAM  peira  pHro 

(a)  Lat.   NUTRiRE,    BUTYRUM   give   in   Old   Provengal   noirir, 
buire  which  are  regular.     The  Rhodanien  nourri,  burre  are  not 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOI.OGY 


43 


easily  explained.  The  double  r  may  be  only  a  graphic  difference 
such  as  exists  in  French  between  larron,  verre  and  phe,  mkre 
(Nyrop  I  §  365  Rem.,  §  383).  The  case  is  complicated  by  the 
absence  of  i  in  the  Rhodanien  words.  French  influence  probably 
accounts  for  nourri.  Old  Provencal  noirir  should  have  given 
nouiri  which  is  found  in  Languedocien  and  Limousin.  The  form 
hurre  is  probably  influenced  by  the  French.  This  latter  word  is 
also  found  with  a  single  r  and  in  the  Marseille  dialect  it  becomes 
hiierri. 

(2)  Tc.  This  group  became  tg  [d5]  in  Old  Provengal  (Schultz- 
Gora  §  75b).  In  Rhodanien  the  t  was  lost  and  the  g  preserved 
with  the  pronunciation  [dz]  (Mistral,  Tresor  II,  p.  i). 

siLVATicuM  salvatge  sauvage 

VIATICUM  viatge(viatje)         viage 


(3)  Tj.     See  §  151,  2. 

(4)  Ti..     See  §  79»  5. 

107.  T  intervocalic  becomes  d. 

GRETA 

greda 

gredo 

MATURUM 

madur 

madur 

ROTA 

roda 

rodo 

ROTUNDUM 

redon 

redoun 

VITAM 

vida 

vido 

VOTARE 

vodar 

vouda 

(a)  Rhodanien  words  with  intervocalic  t  such  as  moutieu,  dato, 
imita,  disputa,  are  either  borrowed  or  learned. 

108.  T  final  remains  but  like  all  finals  tends  to  disappear  from 
the  pronunciation  although  the  dialects  differ  greatly  (Mistral, 
Tresor  II,  p.  940).  In  Rhodanien  t  final  is  usually  silent  except 
when  liaison  occurs. 


ALTUM 

alt 

aut 

FORTEM 

fort 

fort 

GRATUM 

grat 

grat 

HOSTEM 

ost 

ost 

NIPOTEM 

nebot 

nebout 

PARTEM 

part 

part 

SCUTUM 

escut 

escut 

SEPTEM 

set 

sH 

SITEM 

set 

set 

VOTUM 

vot 

vot 

44 


MODERN  PROVENCAL  PHONOLOGY 


(a)  In  the  third  plural  of  verbs  T  has  disappeared  after  n. 


AMANT 

aman 

amon 

AMABANT 

amavan 

amavon 

VENDUNT 

vendon 

vendon 

(b)  In  certain  parts  of  the  Provengal  territory  final  T  survives 
in  the  past  participle.  Thus  Rhodanien  ana,  fini,  vengu,  are 
anat,  fintt,  vengut,  in  Gascon,  Bearnais,  and  Auvergnat  (Mistral, 
Tresor  II,  p.  940). 

(c)  Final  T  of  the  third  singular  of  the  past  definite  survives  in 
Languedoc  and  Rouergue  but  falls  in  Rhodanien.  Thus  Rho- 
danien ame,  legigue  become  amet,  legtguet  in  Languedoc  and 
Rouergue  (Mistral,  Tresor  II,  p.  940). 

109.  TT.     This  group  is  reduced  to  t. 


cA'rruM 

cat 

cat 

GUTTAM 

gota 

gouto 

MUTTUM 

mot 

mot 

(a)  This  reduction  must  have  taken  place  after  the  voicing  of 
intervocalic  T  (§  107)  otherwise  the  result  would  have  been  d. 


no.  D  initial  remains. 


CHOI^A 

corda 

cordo 

DENTEM 

den(t) 

dbnt 

DOLOREM 

dolor 

doulour 

DURUM 

dur 

dur 

MANPDARE 

mandar 

manda 

(a)  In  NiTiDA  the  d  has  become  t  by  progressive  assimilation 
giving  nete. 

(b)  In  some  cases  d  initial  in  a  syllable  after  a  consonant  has 
disappeared  entirely. 


pallidum 

pale 

pale 

QUOMODO 

coma 

coume 

rancida 

ranga 

rango 

III.  R  followed  by  a  consonant.  There  are  various  groups 
which  must  be  treated  separately. 

( I )  DR.  The  d  is  replaced  by  i  probably  through  the  intervening 
stage  of  the  voiced  fricative.     (§  106,  i.) 


MODERN   PROVKNQAIv  PHONOIvOGY  45 


CREDERE 

creire 

creire 

QUADRUM 

caire 

caire 

RADERE 

raire 

raire 

case  i  precedes, 

the 

i  coming 

from  the 

D  coal( 

AUCCIDERE 

aucire 

aucire 

DESIDERARE 

dezirar 

desira 

RIDERE 

rire 

rire 

(b)  If  AU  precedes  d,  the  i  is  suppressed. 

ci^auderE  claure  claure 

(c)  Words  Uke  catedral  retaining  the  combination  dr  are  learned 
or  foreign. 

(2)  DC.  Becomes  tg  \jt32  ^^  Old  Provencal.  In  Rhodanien  the 
t  has  fallen,  g  has  survived  with  the  sound  [dz]  (§  121,  3) 

JUDICARE  jutge  juge 

MEDicuM  *   metge  mege 

(a)  The  numerals  undecim,  duodecim,  tredecim  in  Old  Pro- 
vengal  gave  onze,  dotze,  tretze  but  in  Rhodanien  these  are  all 
written  with  g,  vounge,  douge,  trege,  although  the  pronunciation 
of  this  g  varies  considerably  in  different  localities,  being  pro- 
nounced [ts],  [t/3,  [dz]  according  to  the  dialects.  (Mistral, 
Tresor  II  p.  i). 

(3)  Dj.     See  §  151,  3. 

(4)  D  followed  by  other  consonants  usually  disappears  by 
assimilation  and  reduction. 


ADVENIRE 

avenir 

avemr 

ADVOCATUM 

avocat 

avoucat 

MODULUM 

modle 

mole 

112.  D  interconsonantal  disappears. 

MANDUCARE  maniar(manjar)     manja 

VENDiCARE  venjar  venja 

(a)  If  the  last  consonant  is  r  the  d  is  retained. 

MORDERE  mordre  mprdre 

PERDERE  perdre  perdre 

113.  D  intervocalic  becomes  a  voiced  fricative  represented  in 
Old  Provencal  by  z  and  in  Rhodanien  by  s.  The  stages  were 
probably  [d]  >  [9]  >  [z]. 


46  MODERN   PROVENgAIv   PHONOLOGY 


ADORAR 

azorar 

asoura 

AUDIRE 

auzir 

ausi 

CRUDELEM 

cruzel 

crusel(LQ>ng) 

FIDELEM 

fizel 

fishu 

LAUD ARE 

lauzar 

lausa 

SUDARE 

suzar 

susa 

(a)  There  was  considerable  variety  in  the  treatment  of  the 
intervocalic  D.  In  the  north  and  east  it  opened  into  [5]  which 
fell  about  the  nth  century  or  earlier  (Grandgent  §  65).  In  part 
of  the  west  it  remained  while  the  change  to  z  was  common  to  the 
rest  of  the  Provencal  territory.  This  accounts  for  the  variety 
of  forms  used  in  the  modern  literary  language  such  as  cruely  crusel, 
crudel,  and  also  for  single  forms  where  the  d  has  vanished  such  as 
CO  (couo),  Old  Provencal  caua  (coa)  Lat.  caudam. 

114.  D  final.  Like  t  the  letter  d  is  not  pronounced  when  final. 
It  usually  disappears  also  from  the  spelling  when  free. 

(i)  Free. 

CREDIT  ere  ere 

FiDEM  fe  fe 

mercedEm  merce  merce 

(a)  In  some  cases  the  d  is  restored  in  the  spelling  through  learned 
or  French  influence  as  in  ped  Old  Provencal  pe. 

(b)  The  s  of  nuSy  cms  is  due  to  the  feminine  forms,  nuso,  cruso, 
where  the  5  represents  an  intervocalic  d. 

(2)  Supported,  d  final  becomes  t  in  Old  Provengal  but  in  Rho- 
danien  d  has  been  restored  frequently  in  adjectives,  by  analogy 
with  the  feminine  forms. 


CAUDUM 

caut 

catid 

SURDUM 

sort  . 

sourd 

TARDUM 

tart 

tard 

(a)  After  n,  the  D  disappeared  entirely  in  Old  Provencal  but 
here  also  the  d  has  been  restored  in  adjectives  where  it  is  found  in 
the  feminine  or  in  verbs  where  it  belongs  to  the  root.  Thus 
Rhodanien  grand,  vend  for  Old  Provencal  gran,  ven. 

(b)  Restoration  of  the  d  has  not  taken  place  in  redoun,  redouno. 
The  feminine  seems  to  have  been  made  on  the  masculine.  This 
however  seems  to  be  a  Limousin  word  used  in  the  literary  language 
and  Mistral  also  uses  redound,  redoundo. 

115.  c  initial.     There  are  three  cases. 


MODERN  PROVKNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 


47 


(i)  c  followed  by  a  consonant  remains. 


CLAV^M 

clau 

clau 

CLARUM 

clar 

clar 

CRKDERE 

creire 

crHre 

(a)  CR   has   become   gr  in   gras  from   crassum  probably   af- 
fected by  gros.     crktam  also  has  given  gredo. 
(2)  c  followed  by  a,  o,  u,  remains. 


ARCA 

area 

arco 

BUCCA 

boca 

bouco 

CABAI.I.UM 

caval 

cavau{ckivau) 

CAMPUM 

camp 

camp 

CANTARK 

cantar 

canta 

CARUM 

car 

car 

CODA 

coa 

CO 

CORNU 

corn 

cor 

COXA 

coissa 

cueisso 

EPISCOPUM 

evesque 

evesque 

FURCA 

forca 

fourco 

(a)  The  treatment  of  C,  followed  by  A,  varied  greatly  in  the 
different  dialects.  In  the  north  and  northeast  it  changed  to 
ch  [t/]  but  remained  in  the  rest  of  the  field.  This  produced 
many  doublets  such  as  chanta,  canta;  champ,  camp.  Some  of 
these  northern  forms  have  been  introduced  into  the  modern 
literary  language.  Thus  we  have  cavau  and  chivau  but  the  latter 
is  by  far  the  commoner.  The  regular  Provencal  form  should  have 
c  in  these  cases  and  forms  with  ch  are  French  or  Franco-provengal. 

(3)  c  followed  by  E,  i,  became  palatalized  giving  the  series 
[k]  >  [kj]  >  [tj]  >  [ts]  >  [s]. 

chi 

cknt 

ciro{ciero) 

chvi 

pouc^u 

116.  c  followed  by  a  consonant.  The  various  groups  will 
be  treated  separately. 

(i)  cs  (x,  sc).  This  group  gives  is  when  final  and  iss  when 
intervocalic. 


CAELUM 

eel 

CENTUM 

cent 

CERAM 

cera 

CERVUM 

cer(vi) 

PORCELLUM 

porcel 

followed   b-y 

'  a   consonant. 

48 


MODERN  PROVENgAL  PHONOLOGY 


AXEM 

ais 

ais  {ais se) 

AXILLA 

aisela 

eissello 

COXA 

coisa 

cueisso 

CRKSCKNTEM 

creisen(t) 

creissent 

EXIRB 

eisir 

eissi 

LAXARB 

laisar 

leissa 

NASCENTEM 

naisen(t) 

neissent 

VASCELLUM 

vaisel 

veissku 

(a)  When  the  group  sc  was  followed  by  A  there  was  no  meta- 
thesis and  the  group  remained  (cf.  §  141,  4). 


LUSCA 
MUSCA 


losca 
mosca 


lusco 
mousco 


(b)  When  the  group  ai  was  pretonic  it  gave  ei  in  Rhod.  as  the 
group  ai  does  not  occur  in  the  pretonic  position.     (§  42a.) 
(2)  CT.     This  group  gave  ch  [ts]. 


DICTUM 

dich 

di{ch) 

DIRECTA 

drecha 

drecho 

LACTUCA 

lachuga 

lachugo 

LECTUM 

lech(liech) 

lie(ch) 

NOCTEM 

noch(nuech) 

nue{ch) 

TRACTARE 

trachar 

trocha 

TRUCTA 

trocha 

trottcho 

(a)  In  jita,  Old  Provengal  gitar,  Latin  jactare,  the  c  has 
disappeared  (§  22a). 

(b)  In  the  north  and  east  CT  gave  it  and  many  of  these  forms 
crept  into  Provengal  and  are  found  in  both  the  old  and  modem 
literary  languages  as  regular  forms. 


PECTORINA 

peitrina 

peitrino 

vectura 

veitura 

veituro 

CR.     This  group 

became  voiced, 

giving  gr,  which  survived. 

ACREM 

agre 

aigre(agre) 

ALECREM 

alegre 

alegre 

LACRINA 

lagrema 

lagremo 

MACREM 

magre 

maigre  (magre) 

(a)  aigre,  maigro,  are  irregular  forms  which  are  due  to  French 
influence.     The  forms  agre,  magre,  are  what  we  would  expect. 


MODERN   PROVENCAL   PHONOLOGY  49 

(b)  Where  the  group  CR  results  from  the  dropping  of  a  palatal 
vowel  the  result  is  ir. 


DICERS 

dire 

dire 

FACERE 

faire 

faire 

TACERE 

taire 

taire 

Remark.  This  is  the  treatment  of  gr  (§  122,  2)  and  Schultz- 
Gora  (§  82b)  assumes  that  the  c  in  these  words  has  become  voiced 
i.e.  FACERE  >  FAGERE  >  f agre  >  faire.  However,  intervocalic  c 
before  E,  i,  does  not  give  g  but  is  palatalized  and  the  final  result  is 
[z].  One  must  assume  that  the  contraction  of  facere  took  place 
after  the  palatalization  of  the  c  had  begun  and  that  the  develop- 
ment must  be  represented  as  follows: 

FACERE  >  f ac'ere  >  fac're  >  faire 

In  other  words  CR  gave  gr,  whereas  c'r  gave  ir^  and  c  followed  by  a 
vowel  gave  5  [z]  (Grandgent  §  70). 

(4)  civ.     This  group  gave  L,  mouill^  [Xj  (§81). 

(5)  CM,  CN.  These  groups  gave  either  sm,  sn,  or  im,  in.  Some- 
times doublets  are  found.  One  may  assume  that  the  results 
depend  on  the  time  of  contraction.  The  two  types  would  be 
represented  as  follows : 

DECiMA  decma  deime 

DECIMA  dezima  desme 

Rhodanien  has  retained  the  forms  in  im,  in. 

(6)  cw.  This  group  was  voiced  to  gw  and  then  the  labial  was 
lost. 

AEQUAI.EM  egal  egau 

EQUA  ega  kgo 

(a)  In  a  few  cases  an  i  has  been  developed  when  the  K  was 
voiced.     This  is  probably  dialectic. 

AQUA  aiga  aigo 

AQUiiyA  aigla  aiglo 

(b)  ANTIQUA  should  have  given  antigo  corresponding  to  Old 
Provencal  antiga  but  we  find  antico.  This  is  either  due  to  French 
influence  or  else  the  c  is  attracted  from  the  masculine  antic  where 
it  is  regular.  The  more  common  modern  form  is  anti  as  the  final  c 
iDCcame  silent  and  was  then  dropped. 


50 


MODERN  PROVBNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 


(7)  cj.    See  §  152,  I. 

117.  c  interconsonantal  is  found  in  the  group  cl  preceded  by  a 
consonant  where  it  sturvives. 


AVUNCULUM 

avoncle 

ouncle 

CARBUNCULUM 

carboncle 

carbouncle 

CIRCULUM 

cercle(celcle) 

cietu:le 

MASCULUM 

mascle 

mascle 

118.  c  intervocalic. 

(i)  c  followed  by  a,  o,  u,  is  voiced  to  g. 


CARRUCA 

carruga 

carrugo 

FICA 

figa 

figo 

LACTUCA 

lachuga 

lachugo 

LOCA 

loga 

logo 

PACARE 

pagar 

paga 

PLACUTUM 

plagut 

pleigu 

PLICARE 

plegar 

plega 

SECURUM 

segur 

segur 

VERRUCA 

verruga 

barrugo  {Gsisc.) 

ter  Au  the  ( 

::  remains. 

AVICA 

auca 

auco 

PAUCA 

pauca 

pauco 

(b)  BACA  and  bracas  should  have  given  forms  with  g  but  in 
Rhodanien  they  are  baio,  braio.  These  forms  must  be  from  some 
northern  dialect  where  c  in  this  position  became  i,  (Schultz- 
Gora,  §  82a.) 

(2)  c  followed  by  E,  i,  became  z  [z]  in  Old  Provengal  and  5  [z3 
in  Rhodanien. 


JACERE 

jazer 

'jasi 

PIvACERE 

plazer 

plase 

RACEMUM 

razim 

rasin 

VICINUM 

vezin 

vesin 

(a)  AucELiyUM  should  have  given  aus^u  corresponding  to  Old 
Provencal  auzel.  While  auseu  is  found,  the  commoner  form  of 
the  literary  language  is  auc^u  which  has  probably  come  from  some 
dialect  where  c  was  retained  after  au  (§  ii8a). 

119.  c  final. 

(i)  Free. 


MODERN  PROVENQAI,  PHONOI.OGY  5 1 

(a)  c  followed  by  o,  u,  disappears  although  the  dialects  show  a 
great  variety. 


AMICUM 

amic 

amt 

FOCUM 

fuoc 

fid 

LOCUM 

luoc 

lid 

(b)  c  followed  by  U,  i,  gives  z  in  Old  Provengal  which  becomes  s 
in  Rhodanien. 


CRUCKM 

crotz 

crous 

PACKM 

patz 

pas 

NUCKM 

notz(noze) 

nous  (nose) 

VOCEM 

votz 

voues 

(2)  Supported. 

(a)  c  followed  by  o,  u,  remains  although  the  dialects  ojffer 
many  doublets. 


ARCUM 

arc 

arc 

JUNCUM 

jonc 

jounc 

PORCUM 

pore 

pore 

(b)  c  followed  by  E,  i,  becomes  z  in  Old  Provengal  and  s  in 
Rhodanien. 

DULCEM  dolz  dous 

Remark.  In  all  these  cases  c,  even  where  it  is  retained,  is  silent 
in  the  literary  language  but  the  dialects  differ  greatly,  some  pro- 
nouncing the  final  c  wherever  it  is  retained,  others  retaining  it  and 
not  pronouncing  it  and  others  not  even  retaining  it  (Mistral, 
Tresor  I,  p.  397). 

cc 

120.  The  Group  cc  is  reduced  to  c  which  survives,  but  as  the 
reduction  does  not  take  place  until  after  the  voicing  of  intervocalic 
c(§ii8,  i),  the  group  cc  in  this  position  gives  c  and  c  gives  g  or  s, 
depending  on  the  type  of  the  following  vowel  (§  118,  i,  2). 

BUCCAM  boca  botico 

VACCAM  vaca  vaco 

G 

121.  G  initial. 

(i)  G  followed  by  a  consonant  remains. 

GLACiEM  glatz  glas 

GRANDEM  gran  grand 

GROSSUM  gros  gros 


52  MODERN   PROVENgAIv  PHONOIvOGY 

(2)  G  followed  by  A,  o,  u,  remains  in  the  regular  Provencal 
territory. 

GALUNA  galina  galino 

GAUDiuM  gaug  gau 

GABATA  gauta  gauto 

GURGA  gorga  gourgo 

GUTTA  gOta  gOUto 

I.ARGA  larga  largo 

VERGA  verga  vergo 

(a)  Before  a  in  the  north  and  east  G  became  [d5]  represented  by 
j  (Grandgent  §  61).     Thus  we  find  many  doublets  such  as  gau,  jau 

(§  29b). 

(3)  G  followed  by  E,  i,  became  in  Old  Provengal  [d5]  and  in 
Rhodanien  [dz].     In  both  cases,  it  survived  in  spelling. 

ARGENTUM  argent  argent 

GENTEM  gen(t)  gent 

GESTA  gesta  gesto 

GINGIVA  gengiva  gengivo 

122.  G  followed  by  a  consonant. 

(i)  GD,  GT.  In  Old  Provencal  there  is  a  good  deal  of  confusion 
in  these  groups  although  there  are  nearly  always  forms  in  id,  it. 
Rhodanien  has  always  preserved  a  form  in  which  the  G  has  van- 
ished. 

DiGiTUM  det  det 

FRiGiDUM  fre(g)  (freit)  fre 

RiGiDUM  rede(rege)  rede 

(2)  GR.     This  group  gives  ir. 

FRAGRARE  flairar  fleira 

(a)  Negre  and  pelegrin  are  not  popular  words  but  must  be  learned 
or  half -learned.  We  also  find  the  form  pelerin  both  in  Old  Pro- 
vencal and  in  Rhodanien  and  ner  in  Old  Provengal  from  Latin 
NIGRUM  survives  in  the  Gascon  nere. 

(3)  GM.     This  group  regularly  gave  m. 

PiGMENTUM  pimen  pimen 

(a)  The  gm  in  words  of  Greek  origin  had  already  become  um  in 
Folk  Latin  and  these  words  were  carried  into  Provencal  (Meyer- 
Liibke,  Castro.  §  137). 


MODERN  PROVENgAIv  PHONOLOGY 


53 


PHLEGMA     .               fleuma 

flbumo 

SAGMA                        sauma 

saumo 

(4)  GN.     This  group  gave  n  niouilU  (§  74). 

(5)  GL.     This  group  gave  l  mouille  (§81). 

(6)  Gj.     See  §  152,  2. 

123.  G  interconsonantal  remains. 

CINGUI.A                     cengla 

cenglo 

UNGULA                      ongla 

ounglo 

(a)  In  the  group  i^gr  the  G  disappeared  and  the  consonant  d  was 
developed  (§  79,  2). 

FULGUR  foldre  foudre 

124.  G  intervocalic.  The  development  of  intervocalic  G  is  very 
irregular  varying  according  to  the  surrounding  vowels  and  also 
according  to  the  locality. 

(i)  G  followed  by  o,  u,  remains  except  in  a  few  words  where  it 
was  lost  in  the  Folk  Latin  period. 

fagot  fagot 


FAGOTTUM 

FIGURA 

HUGONBM 


figura 
Ugo 


figuro 
Ugties 


(a)  AGUSTUM  gives  a  variety  of  forms  in  Old  Provengal  agost, 
ahost,  aost,  avost.  The  latter  form  avost  is  probably  a  develop- 
ment of  aost,  the  accessory  consonant  v  developing  before  the 
rounded  vowel  (Nyrop  I,  §  279,  2).  Rhodanien  has  retained  the 
form  with  the  v  giving  avoust. 

(b)  AGURiUM  gave  in  Old  Provencal  agur  and  aur.  Rhodanien 
has  preserved  the  second  form  with  the  loss  of  the  a  giving  ur 
(Cf.  O.  Fr.  eur,  Mod.  Fr.  heur). 

(2)  G  followed  by  a.  There  are  some  doublets  in  Old  Pro- 
vencal but  Rhodanien  has  preserved  the  form  with  g.  One  can 
fairly  assume  that  the  forms  where  the  G  has  disappeared  are 
dialectal  or  due  to  French  or  Franco-pro vengal  influence. 

castiar(castigar)  castiga 

fuga  fugo 

fadiar(fatigar)  fatiga 

ligar(liar)  ligailia) 

negar  nega 

pagan  pagan 

plaga(plaia)  plago 

sancsuga  sansugo 


CASTIGARE 

FUGA 

FATIGARE 

LIGARB 

NEGARE 

PAGANUM 

PI.AGA 

SANGUISUGA 


54  MODERN   FROVn^QAl,  PHONOI.OGY 

(a)  Some  words  had  apparently  lost  the  G  in  the  Folk  Latin 
period  (Grandgent,  Vulgar  Latin,  §  263). 

i^iSGAi^BM  leial  leiau 

REGAiyEM  reial  reiau 

(b)  Fatiga  shows  learned  influence  by  the  retention  of  the  in- 
tervocalic t. 

(c)  The  tendency  to  produce  forms  with  i  such  as  plaij  neiar  is  a 
Franco-Provengal  peculiarity,  found  in  the  north  and  east  (Grand- 
gent, p.  50). 

(3)  G  followed  by  E,  i.  The  popular  tendency  was  for  the  G  to 
disappear. 

MAGiSTRUM  maestre(mestre)  mestre 

NiGEivLA  niela  nielo 

PAGKNSKM  paes(pais)  pais 

REGiNA  reina(regina)  reino{regino) 

(a)  Forms  like  flag^u,  sagbu,  fugi,  regino  are  either  learned  or 
foreign. 

125.  G  final, 
(i)  Free. 

(a)  Before  E  it  becomes  i. 

IrKGiSM  lei  IH 

RiSGEM  rei  rH 

(b)  Before  o,  u,  it  disappears. 

FAGUM  fag(fau)  fau 

JUGUM  jo  JOU 

(2)  Supported.  The  G  becomes  voiceless  in  Old  Provencal  and 
is  represented  by  c.  The  g  has  been  restored  by  a  process  of  re- 
construction in  Rhodanien,  but  is  silent  unless  the  next  word  be- 
gins with  a  vowel,  when  it  is  voiceless. 

I.ARGUM  larc  larg 

LONGUM  lone  long 

SANGUEM  sane  sang 

Fricatives 

126.  Book  Latin  had  labial,  dental,  palatal,  and  laryngal  frica- 
tives. The  only  laryngal  fricative  was  h  and  it  was  unknown  to 
the  Folk  Latin.  There  remain  the  labials  F,  v,  w,  the  dental  s 
and  the  palatal  j  (yod). 


MODERN   PROVEN^AIv  PHONOLOGY 


55 


127.  F  initial  remains. 


FERRUM 

ferre 

Jbrri 

FLOREM 

flor 

flour 

FRATREM 

fraire 

fraire 

INFERNUM 

enfern 

injkr 

INFANTEM 

enfant  (t) 

enfant 

(a)  In  Beam  and  a  portion  of  Gascony  initial  F  followed  by  a 
vowel  became  h.  Thus  the  Rhodanien  fam,  ferre  become  ham, 
her  in  Gascon. 

128.  F  followed  by  a  consonant  remains. 

girofle  girofle 

soflar  soufla 

sofrir  soufri 


GAROFAI^UM 

SUFFlvARE 

SUFFERIRE 


129.  F  interconsonantal.     There  are  few  examples, 
sonant  following  is  i*  the  group  remains. 

ENFi^ARE  enflar  enfla 


If  the  con- 


(a)  F  has  become  p  in  soupre,  Lat.  sulphur.  The  Gascon  has 
retained  the  /  in  this  word.  Practically  all  the  other  Provengal 
dialects  have  a  form  with  p. 

130.  F  intervocalic  existed  in  Latin  in  compounds  only.  The 
examples  in  Rhodanien  are  obscure.  In  Esthe,  Old  Provengal 
Bsteve,  Latin  stephanum,  f  (ph)  has  become  v. 

(a)  In  the  neighborhood  of  labial  vowels  it  tended  to  disappear 
in  Old  Provencal  but  none  of  these  words  have  survived  in  Rho- 
danien. One  must  assume  learned  or  foreign  origin  for  words  with 
intervocalic  /. 

131.  F  final.  Examples  of  words  descending  from  the  Latin  are 
lacking. 


132.  V  initial  remains. 

ADVOCATUM 

avocat 

avoucat 

SERVIRE 

servir 

servi 

SILVATICUM 

salvatge 

sauvage 

VENTUM 

vent 

vknt 

VERMEM 

verme 

verme 

VINDICARE 

venjar 

venja 

VINUM 

vin 

vin 

56  MODISRN   PROVENgAIv  PHONOIyOGY 

(a)  In  Beam  and  a  part  of  Gascony  initial  v  has  become  b. 

VKNiR  Rhod.  vent  Gasc.  bent 

VBNTUM  "      v^nt  "      bent 

viNUM  **     fin  "      bi 

(b)  Initial  v  has  become  /  in /^5,  Lat.  vic^m  (cf.  l^rench  fois) . 

(c)  In  a  few  cases  initial  v  has  been  treated  like  Germanic  w 
and  become  gu  in  Old  Provencal  and  g  in  Rhodanien.  These 
cases  have  apparently  been  affected  by  a  Germanic  word  on  the 
same  root  (Schultz-Gora  §  72). 

VADUM(watan)  gua  ga 

VASTARH(wastjan)    guastar  gastar 

VASCONiA  Guasconha  Gascougno 

(d)  While  guespo  might  be  explained  in  the  same  way  as  the 
above  examples  it  is  probably  French  influence,  as  Old  Provengal 
has  vespa.  Other  Provencal  dialects  have  forms  either  with  b 
or  V. 

133.  V  followed  by  a  consonant  vocalizes  to  u, 

civiTAT^M  ciutat  cieutat 

viVRE  viure  vieure 


(a)  vj.    See  §  150, 

3- 

134.  V  intervocalic 

rettiains. 

CAVARB 

cavar 

cava 

FAVORKM 

favor 

favour 

IvAVARie 

lavar 

lava 

NOVAM 

nova 

novo 

(a)  There  was  a  tendency  in  Old  Provengal  for  v  intervocalic  to 
disappear  especially  before  labial  vowels  although  there  is  usually 
a  form  with  the  v  retained.  Rhodanien  has  preserved  this  second 
form  in  pavoun,  Old  Provencal  paon,  pavon,  Lat.  pavon^m 
(Schultz-Gora  §  72a). 

(b)  PaUj  Old  Provengal,  pavor,  paor,  paur,  Lat.  pavor^m  has 
lost  the  V. 

135.  V  final  vocalizes  to  u. 


NATIVUM 

natiu 

natti 

NAVKM 

nau 

nau 

VIVUM 

viu 

vieu 

NOVUM 

nou 

nou 

MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY  57 

136.  In  the  groups  QU,  GU,  the  bilabial  fricative  w  existed 
in  Book  Latin  after  the  palatal  stops  k,  g,  as  in  EQUa,  quarEi 
LINGUA.  In  Folk  Latin  w  was  developed  from  an  unaccented  u 
in  hiatus  as  in  tenuem,  januarium. 

137.  In  Provengal  this  w  of  Latin  source  has  disappeared. 

EQUA  ega  ego 

UNGUA  lenga  lengo 

quare  car  car 

QUOMODO  coma  coume 

(a)  Janvie,  Lat,  januarium  is  French. 

(b)  Germanic  w  both  initial  and  intervocalic  is  represented  in 
Old  Provengal  by  gu  (Schultz-Gora  §  73).  The  u  of  gu  has  become 
silent  in  Rhodanien. 

WERA  guerra  gtierro 

wiSA  guisa  guiso 

(c)  The  Latin  ui  of  the  debui  type  of  perfects  has  been  treated 
in  the  same  way  as  the  Germanic  w  and  in  Rhodanien  this  gu 
has  invaded  the  perfects  of  all  verbs  except  those  of  the  first  con- 
jugation (§  187,  i;  Schultz-Gora  §  73). 

DEBUissEMUS  deguessem  deguessian 

HABUissEM  agues  aguksse 

s 

138.  There  was  in  Latin  a  single  dental  fricative  s  which  was 
always  voiceless.  The  corresponding  voiced  sound  z  was  un- 
known to  the  Latin  and  is  still  unknown  to  Roumanian  and 
Spanish  but  found  in  the  other  Romance  tongues  (Nyrop,  I  §  456). 

139.  s  initial  followed  by  a  vowel  remains. 

PULSARE  polsar  poussa 

SALUTARE  saludar  saluda 

SERVIRE  servi  servi 

SETA  seda  sedo 

SOROR  sorre  sorre 

URSA  orsa  ourso 

140.  s  initial  followed  by  a  consonant  develops  a  prosthetic  E 
in  Folk  Latin  (§  160  ).     This  survived  in  Rhodanien. 

SCALA  escala  escalo 

SCRiBERE  escriure  escrieure 

SPATHA  espaza  espaso 

STABULUM  estable  estable 

STRicTUM  estrech  estre 


58 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY 


141 .  S  followed  by  a  consonant.     There  are  several  groups  which 
must  be  considered  separately. 


(i)  sj.     See  §  151,  I. 

(2)  SM.    The  s  disappears. 

ABISSIMUM 
TESTIMONIARE 


abisme 
temonha 


ahime 
temounia 


(a)  Batisme  is  half  learned. 

(3)  SR.     See  §  89,  4. 

(4)  s  followed  by  other  consonants  remains. 


ASINUM 

asne 

ase 

ASPKRUM 

aspre 

aspre 

AUSCULTARE 

escoltar 

escouta 

COSTA 

costa 

costo 

INSULA 

isla(iscla) 

isclo 

MUSCA 

mosca 

mousco 

TESTA 

testa 

testo 

142.  s  intervocalic  becomes  voiced.     In   Old  Provengal  this 
sound  is  represented  by  z  and  in  Rhodanien  by  5. 


CAUSA 

cauza 

causo 

PENSARE 

pezar 

pesa 

SPONSAM 

espoza 

espouso 

WISA 

guiza 

guiso 

final  remains. 

AMAS 

amas 

antes 

CORPUS 

cors 

cors 

CURSUM 

cors 

cours 

NASUM 

nas 

nas 

NOS 

nos 

nous 

PLUS 

plus 

plus 

TEMPUS 

teiris(tens) 

Urns 

VISUM 

vis 

vis 

Remark.  The  pronunciation  of  final  5  varies  greatly  in  various 
parts  of  the  Provencal  field  but  usually  5  is  voiceless  after  a  vowel 
and  silent  after  a  consonant.  Liaison  is  allowed  but  is  not  as 
common  as  in  French.  When  5  is  carried  it  is  voiced  (Ronjat, 
Ourt.  pp.  13,  14). 


MODERN   PROVJSNgAIv   PHONOLOGY  59 

SS 

144.  In  Old  ProvenQal,  Latin  ss  was  reduced  to  s  in  all  positions 
(Schultz-Gora  §  62).  In  Rhodanien  55  has  been  restored  to  repre- 
sent the  voiceless  5  in  the  intervocajic  position  where  a  single  5  is 
voiced. 

BASSUM  has  has 

GROSSA  grosa  grosso 

GROSSUM  gros  gros 

PASSARK  pasar  passa 

J 

145.  In  Book  Latin  there  was  one  palatal  fricative  j  as  in  jam, 
JOCUM.  In  Folk  Latin  the  hiatus  i(b)  in  words  like  cavEa, 
RATiONEM  developed  into  the  same  sound,  these  words  being  pro- 
nounced [kavja],  [ratjone^.     The  Appendix  Probi  has  cavea  non 

CAVIA. 

146.  J  initial  survives  but  is  pronounced  [d3]  in  Old  Provengal 
and  [dz]  in  Rhodanien. 


JACERK 

jaire 

jatre 

JOCUM 

joe 

id 

JUDICEM 

jtitge 

juge 

147.  J  medial  varied  according  to  location.  In  the  north  and 
east  it  survived  being  represented  by  i  but  over  the  rest  of  the 
field  it  became  [d5j.     In  Rhodanien  [d5]  became  [dz]. 

MAJOR  maier  mage 

piejOR  pejor(peger)  pege{pieje) 

(a)  Words  from  the  north  and  east  have  made  their  way  into 
the  literary  language.    These  may  be  known  by  their  intervocalic  i. 

RAJA  raia  raio 

TROJA  troia  trueio 

148.  Consonant  followed  by  yod.  There  are  many  groups  that 
must  be  examined  separately.  The  result  depends  on  the  pre- 
ceding consonant. 

149.  Liquid  N,  L,  R,  followed  by  yod. 

(i)  Nj.     This  group  gave  n  mouill^  [p].     See  §  74. 

(2)  LJ.     This  group  gave  l  mouille  [X].     See  §  81. 

(3)  Rj.  It  is  hard  to  decide  what  the  regular  development  of 
this  groups  is,  as  the  results  in  the  different  regions  vary  so.  It 
must  be  treated  in  the  intervocalic  and  final  position. 


60  MODERN  PROVENgAI<  PHONOLOGY 

(a)  Intervocalic.     The  regular  result  seems  to  be  ir, 

AREA  aira  airo 

VARiA  vaira  vairo 

(i)  If  an  A  preceded  and  the  resultant  diphthong  was  in  the 
pretonic  position,  it  became  ei  as  the  diphthong  ai  does  not  occur 
in  Rhodanien  in  the  pretonic  position  (§  42a  Rem). 

(2)  In  some  cases  the  palatal  consonant  merely  caused  a  diph- 
thongization  of  the  preceding  vowel  without  developing  i  before  r 
(§35)-  Thus  Lat.  FERiA  gave  feira,  fiera,  and  fieira  in  Old  Pro- 
vencal. Rhodanien  has  fiero  but  the  dialects  show  both  jeiro, 
fieiro. 

(b)  Final.  The  palatalization  is  lost  after  causing  the  diph- 
thongization  of  the  preceding  vowel  where  possible  (§§33,  35). 


CORIUM 

cuer 

cuer 

MINISTERIUM 

mestier 

mestie 

MONASTERIUM 

mostier 

moustie 

Remark.  Lat.  -arius  was  apparently  replaced  in  the  Provengal 
field  by  -ERius  (Schultz-Gora  §  24;  Grandgent  §  23,  i).  Adjec- 
tives in  -ERiUM,  -ERiA  should  have  given  -ier,  -eira,  which  were 
the  regular  endings  in  Old  Provengal.  By  analogy  with  the 
feminine  we  get  masculines  in  -eir  and  by  analogy  with  the  mas- 
culine we  get  feminines  in  iera,  ieira.  The  modern  dialects  show 
the  greatest  confusion  of  forms.  In  Rhodanien  however  the 
masculine  type  has  survived  and  we  have  such  adjectives  as 
premie^  premiero;  parUy  pariero;  entU,  entiero  etc. 

150.  A  labial  followed  by  yod  gives  the  following  groups,  PJ, 
Bj,  vj,  Mj.  In  French  the  labial  vanished  in  these  groups  by 
assimilation  and  leaves  either  [/]  or  [5]  (Nyrop  I  §  472).  In 
Provengal  on  the  contrary,  while  it  is  very  hard  to  decide  what  is 
the  regular  development  because  of  the  great  multiplicity  of 
forms,  we  can  assume  assimilation  only  in  the  case  of  pj.  All  the 
other  cases  of  assimilation  are  very  doubtful.  We  will  take  up  the 
forms  in  order. 

(i)  PJ.  In  Old  Provencal  this  group  gives  pch  in  which  the  p 
may  have  been  silent,  most  certainly  was  in  parts  of  the  field.  In 
Rhodanien  this  pch  became  ch  [ts~|. 

APPROPIARE  apropchar  aproucha 

SAPiAM  sapcha  sache 

SAPiENTEM  sachent  sachbnt 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY  6 1 

(a)  Sage  points  to  a  Folk  Latin  sabium  for  sapium  or  sapidum 
(Meyer- Liibke,  Wort.  7587;  Schwan-Behrens  §  192).  The  word 
is  not  free  from  a  suspicion  of  French  influence.  The  form  sdvt 
on  the  same  root  is  learned  (§  154). 

(b)  Pijoun,  Old  Provengal  pijon,  Lat.  pipionEm  demands  a 
Folk  Latin  pibionbm.  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.  6522a;  Schwan- 
Behrens  §  103,  2). 

(2)  Bj.  The  results  of  this  group  are  confusing.  While  Rho- 
danien  has  a  number  of  words  that  show  the  development  [dzj 
these  forms  show  French  influence.  Many  of  them  too  have 
doublets  in  -bi  corresponding  to  Old  Provencal  words  of  similar 
form  where  no  assimilation  has  taken  place.  These  forms  in  -bC 
may  be  learned  (§  153  et  seq.). 


CAMBIARK 

cam  jar 

chart'}  ^ 

RABIEM 

ratge 

rage 

RUBEUM 

roge 

rouge 

(a)  Chanja  shows  French  or  Franco-provengal  influence  by  its 
initial  ch  (§  115,  2a).     The  forms  canja  and  cambia  are  also  found. 

(b)  Rouge  in  Old  Provengal  had  the  forms  rog,  roi  and  roge.- 
The  latter  form  is  French  and  has  survived  in  Rhodanien  rouge. 

(c)  Book  Latin  rabiem  gave  Folk  Latin  rabia  (Meyer-Lubke,. 
Castro.  §  162).  Old  Provengal  had  ratge,  ratie,  rabi.  The  first 
two  forms  are  French  (Schultz-Gora  §  86)  and  survive  in  Rho- 
danien rage.     Rabi  is  learned  (§  153  et  seq.). 

(3)  vj.  A  number  of  words  show  vocalization  of  v  and  de- 
velopment of  j  to  [do]  in  Old  Provengal  and  [dz]  in  Rhodanien 
(Grandgent  §  73;  Schultz-Gora  §  86). 

ABBREViARE  abreujar  abreuja 


AGGREVIARE 

agreujar 

agreuja 

AI.LEVIARE 

aleujar 

aleuja 

LEVIARIUM 

leugier 

leugUilougU) 

(a)  Gabi,  gabio,  Old  Prov.  gabia  indicate  a  Folk  Latin  gabia  for 
Book  Lat.  CAVEA  (Schultz-Gora  §  8oa).  ItaHan  gabbia  and 
Catalan  gabia  support  this  theory. 

(b)  Book  Latin  pluvia  gave  way  to  Folk  Latin  ploia  perhaps 
under  the  influence  of  plovERE  which  existed  in  Latin  beside 
PLUERE  (Meyer-Liibke,  Castro.  §  152). 

(4)  Mj  (mnj,  mmj).  This  group  gives  [pdz]  in  Rhodanien  al- 
though there  were  many  forms  in  Old  Provencal. 


62  MODERN  PROVENgAI.  PHONOLOGY 

COMMKATUM  comjat(comnhat)  counget 

SOMNIARB  somiar(somnhar)   sounja 

SOMNiUM  somi(somni)  (somnhe)     sounge 

(a)  Vendemi,  Old  Provengal  vendemia,  Lat.  viSndKmia,  has  in 
Rhodanien  also  the  form  vendemio  which  is  regular.  Vendemi 
shows  the  influence  of  the  many  learned  words  in  unstressed  i 

(§  154)- 

(b)  Sounge,  sounja  are  not  free  from  a  suspicion  of  French 

influence. 

Remark.  Forms  which  show  assimilation  of  the  labial  and 
development  of  [ts]],  [dz]  can  be  found  in  one  dialect  or  another 
but  there  is  no  regularity. 

151.  Dental  followed  by  yod.     There  are  three  groups,   sj, 

TJ,  DJ. 

(i)  SJ.  This  group  regularly  gave  iz  in  Old  Provencal  and  is 
in  Rhodanien. 

BASiARE  baizar  heisa 

ECCLESiAM  gleiza  gleiso 

FUSIONEM  foizon  fouisoun 

mansionkm  maizon  meisoun 

NAUSEAM  noiza  •  nouiso 

(a)  SSJ  gave  is  in  Old  Provengal  and  iss  in  Rhodanien. 

BASSiARE  baisar  heissa 

MESSiONEM  meison  meissoun 

GRASSIARE  graisar  greissa 

(2)  TJ.  This  group  must  be  treated  according  to  its  position 
in  the  word.  Its  development  also  depends  upon  the  preceding 
consonant  when  there  is  one. 

(a)  TJ  intervocalic.  In  some  regions  notably  the  north  and 
west  (Grandgent  §  73)  this  group  gave  [d5]  in  Old  Provengal. 
In  the  south  and  east  (Grandgent  §  73)  it  gave  [id3].  Rhodanien 
has  examples  of  both  developments  though  the  [5]  has  been  re- 
duced to  [z]. 


ORATIONBM 

oraizon 

ouresoun 

POTIONEM 

poizon 

pouisoun 

RATIONEM 

razon(raizon) 

resoun 

SATIONEM 

saizon 

sessoun 

TITIONEM 

tizon 

tisoun 

MODKRN  PROVKNgAI,  PHONOLOGY  63 

(i)  Old  Provengal  aiz  has  been  reduced  to  es  in  resoun,  sesoun. 
We  would  expect  reisoun,  seisoun  (§  42)  and  these  forms  are  found. 
Mistral  gives  resoun,  reisoun  as  forms  from  the  Dauphin^  and 
sesoun  as  Languedocien.  It  seems  quite  likely  that  these  words 
have  been  influenced  by  the  French  raison,  saison.  The  e  repre- 
sents the  French  ai  better  than  the  ei.  Old  Provengal  orazon  had 
also  a  form  oraizon  which  may  have  survived  in  ouresoun.  How- 
ever Mistral  does  not  give  a  form  with  ei,  so  it  seems  likely  that 
ouresoun  has  been  influenced  by  resoun.  Mistral  always  uses  the 
forms  with  e. 

(2)  There  are  examples  also  of  the  development  without  i. 

ACUTiARE  aguzar  agusa 

PRETIARK  prezar  presa 

(3)  The  suffix  -ITIA  should  have  given  -eza  in  Old  Provengal 
(Schultz-Gora  §  87).  Many  forms  in  -eza  are  found  but  with 
them  Old  Provengal  has  a  number  of  forms  in  -esa.  The  latter  is 
the  regular  development  of  -icia,  not  -itia  (Schultz-Gora  §  88). 
We  know  that  these  endings  were  confused  in  Folk  Latin,  jusTiciA 
for  JUSTITIA  being  common  (Adams  p.  199).  The  common  form 
in  Catalan  is  -esa.  In  French  we  have  -esse  along  with  other  forms 
(Nyrop  I  §  196,  2  Rem).  The  form  -esa  gave  in  Rhodanien  -esso 
and  this  suffix  aided  by  the  influence  of  Catalan  and  French,  has 
almost  crowded  out  the  regular  ending  -eso  which  should  have 
developed  from  -eza.  There  was  evidently  a  confusion  of  the 
suffixes  in  Old  Provengal  as  can  be  seen  by  the  examples. 


*ALEGRITIAM 

alegresa 

alegresso 

ALTITIAM 

alteza 

autesso 

*ARDIDITIAM 

ardideza 

ardidesso 

*BELLITIAM 

beleza 

helesso 

PIGRITIAM 

pigreza 

pigresso 

*RICHITIAM 

riqueza 

richesso 

TRISTITIAM 

tristeza 

tristesso 

(4)  There  are  also  examples  of  -eso  although  they  are  words  not 
so  commonly  used. 


AMARITIAM 

amareza 

amareso 

*FATITIAM 

fadeza 

fadeso 

*FRANCHITIAM 

franqueza 

franqueso 

*INFANTITIAM 

enfanteza 

enfanteso 

64 


MODERN  PROVENgAL  PHONOI.OGY 


Remark.  That  there  was  confusion  of  suffixes  is  very  apparent 
when  we  examine  the  dialects.  Of  the  seven  words  cited  above 
in  -esso,  Mistral  gives  forms  in  -eso  for  all  except  tristesso  and  of 
the  four  in  -eso  he  gives  forms  in  -esso  for  all  except  enjanteso. 

(b)  Tj  medial  preceded  by  s  or  c  gave  i  followed  by  voiceless  5. 
The  voiceless  5  is  represented  in  Rhodanien  by  s,  or  c. 


ANGUSTIAM 

angoisa 

angoutsso 

DIRECTIARE 

dreisar 

dreissa 

FACTIONEM 

faison 

Jeigoun 

I^ECTIONEM 

leison 

leigoun 

PUNCTIONEM 

ponson 

poungoun 

TRACTIARE 

trasar 

trassa 

(c)  TJ  medial  preceded  by  any  other  consonant  than  s  or  T  gave 
voiceless  ^  represented  in  Rhodanien  by  j,  ss^  q. 


AI.TIARE 

ausar 

aussa 

CANTIONEM 

canson 

.  cansoun 

CAPTIARE 

casar 

cassa 

COMINITIARE 

comensar 

coumenga 

CORRUPTIARE 

corrosar 

courroussa 

FORTIARE 

forsar 

fourga 

INFANTIAM 

enfansa 

enfango 

NOPTIAS 

nossas 

nogo 

SPERANTIAM 

esperansa 

esperango 

(d)  TJ  final.  We  do  not  have  i  except  in  the  dialects.  The 
usual  result  in  Old  Provencal  was  tz  which  in  Rhodanien  was  re- 
duced to  s. 


PRETIUM 

pretz 

pres 

PUTEUM 

potz 

pous 

SOLATIUM 

solatz 

soulas 

Remark.  Palais ^  Old  Provengal  palatz,  Lat.  pai^atium,  Old 
Provencal  had  also  palaitz  and  palais.  The  latter  form  is  French. 
(Schultz-Gora  §  87),  and  has  survived  in  Rhodanien  palais. 

(3)  Dj,  initial,  intervocalic  or  medial  preceded  by  any  consonant 
but  N,  gave  j  [d5]  in  Old  Provengal  and  j  [dz]  in  Rhodanien. 


APPODIARE 

apojar 

apieja 

DIURNUM 

jorn 

jour 

DIURNAI^EM 

jomal 

journau 

HORDEUM 

orge 

orge 

MODERN  PROVENQAI,  PHONOLOGY  65 

INODIARE  enojar  enuja 

MEDIA  mieja  miejo 

viRiDiARiUM  vergier  vergi4 

(a)  Preceded  by  n  the  group  gave  nh  [ji]  in  Old  Provengal  and 
gn  [jij  in  Rhodanien. 

BURGUNDiA  Bofgonha  Bourgougno 

VERBCUNDIA  vergonha  vergougno 

(b)  Final.  The  regular  result  was  [t/]  in  Old  Provencal  repre- 
sented by  g  or  ch.  In  Rhodanien  this  [if]  became  [ts]  and  later 
became  silent  and  dropped. 


GAUDIUM 

gaug 

gau 

MEDIUM 

rnieg 

mie{ch) 

PODIUM 

pog 

pue{ch) 

Remark.  In  certain  sections  principally  the  north  (Grandgent 
p.  54)  this  group  final  gave  i  and  many  of  these  forms  have  made 
their  way  into  Rhodanien. 


GIvADIUM 

glai 

glai 

HODIE 

oi 

vuei 

INODIO 

enoi 

enuei 

RADIUM 

rai 

rai 

152.  Palatal  followed  by  yod.     There  are  two  groups,  cj  and  Gj. 

(i)  CJ. 

(a)  Medial,  this  group  gives  s  in  Old  Provengal  and  g  or  ss  in 
Rhodanien. 


BRACIARE 

brasar 

hrassa 

CALCEAM 

causa 

causso 

GLACIAM 

glasa 

glago 

LANCEAM 

lansa 

lango 

MINACIAM 

menasa 

menago 

Remark.  Rhodanien  fagtie  is  not  from  paciam  but  from  pacam 
(Meyer-Liibke,  Castro.  §  81). 

(b)  Final,  this  group  gave  tz  [ts]  which  was  reduced  to  5  in 
Rhodanien. 

BRACHiUM  bratz  bras 

DULCEUM  doltz  dous 

GLACIEM  glatz  glas 


66  MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY 

(2)  GJ. 

(a)  Medial.  This  group  gave  j  [d5]  in  Old  Provencal  and  j 
[dz]  in  Rhodanien. 

CORRIGIARK  gorrejar  gourreja 

SPONGiAM  esponja  espounjo 

Remark.  Beside  Old  ProvenQal  esponja  there  was  a  form  es- 
ponga  from  which  we  have  Rhodanien  espoungo  a  form  used  more 
frequently  than  espounjo. 

(b)  Final,  this  group  gives  i. 

EXAGiUM  assai  assai 

153.  One  of  the  most  striking  characteristics  of  Rhodanien  is 
the  great  number  of  words  ending  in  unstressed  -i  such  as  mem  on, 
testimoni,  estudi.  These  words  consist  in  a  large  part  of  learned 
words  and  great  numbers  of  these  are  found  also  in  Old  Provengal. 
The  Latin  etyma  usually  have  an  hiatus  i  in  the  termination  but 
there  are  cases  where  it  is  lacking  and  the  word  has  merely  as- 
sumed the  conventional  learned  or  foreign  form.  There  are  also 
a  large  number  of  words  which  in  Old  Provengal  retained  the 
Latin  vowel  after  the  hiatus  i  such  as  Old  Provengal  abondantia. 
These  also  assumed  in  Rhodanien  the  form  in  unstressed  i  as 
abounddnci.  Owing  to  the  interest  and  importance  of  this  phe- 
nomenon it  has  been  thought  desirable  to  present  in  the  following 
paragraphs  as  complete  a  list  as  possible  of  the  words  concerned. 
They  were  gathered  exclusively  from  the  published  literary  works 
of  Mistral  and  have  been  studied  chiefly  from  the  etymological 
point  of  view. 

154.  The  following  words  existed  in  practically  the  same  form 
in  Old  Provengal  and  are  words  in  which  the  learned  origin  is  very 
apparent. 

Acordt,  harmony,  Old  Provencal  acordi,  Lat.  *accordium. 
Albdi,  freehold,  Old  Prov.  allodi,  Folk  Lat.  alodium.  Germ,  allod. 
Albnguiy  delay.  Old  Provengal.     Connected  with  Old  Provengal 

verb  allongar. 
Apoustdli,  apostle.  Old  Provengal  apostoli,  Lat.  apostolicus. 
Armdri,  closet.  Old  Provengal  armari,  Lat.  armarium. 
Auditbriy  audience.  Old  Provengal  auditori,  Lat.  auditorium. 
Aversdriy  adversary.  Old  Provencal  aversari,  Lat.  advKrsarium. 
Bdrri,  rampart,   wall,   Old  Provencal  barri.  Low  Latin   (Mist.) 

barrium. 


MODERN   PROVBNgAIy  PHONOIvOGY  67 

Bestidri,  animals  in  general,  Old  ProvenQal  bestiari,  Lat.  besti- 

ARIUM. 

Brevidri,  breviary,  Old  Provengal  breviari,  Lat.  breviarium. 
Cdmbi,  change,  exchange,  Old  Provengal  cambi,  Lat.  cambium. 
Capitdni,  captain.  Old  Provengal  capitani,  Lat.  capitaneum. 
Capitbli,   capitole,   hotel  de  ville,   Old  Provencal  capitoli,   Lat. 

capitolium. 
Celidbniy  {celidbnio)  chalcedon,  Old  Provengal  celidoni,  celidonia, 

Lat.  CHEUDONIA. 

Cementeri  (gamenten) ,  cemetery,  Old  Provengal  cementeri,  Lat. 

coementerium. 
Cibdri,  pyx.  Old  Provengal  cibori,  Lat.  ciborium. 
Councbrdi  (councbrdio),  concord,  harmony,  Old  Provengal  con- 

cordi,  Concordia,  Lat.  concordia. 
Counscienciy    conscience,    conscious.    Old    Provencal    conciencia, 

cossiencia,  Lat.  consciEntia. 
Counsistbrij  consistory.   Old  Provencal  consistori,   Lat.  consis- 

torium. 
Countuni,  (de  countum)  continually.  Old  Provengal  contuni,  Lat. 

CONTINUE. 

Countrdri,  contrary,  Old  Provengal  contrari,  Lat.  contrarium. 
Coursdri,  corsair,  Old  Provengal  corsari,  Lat.  corsarium. 
Custbdi  (custbdio)  watch,  guard,  Old  Provengal  custodi,  custodia, 

Lat.  CUSTODIA. 

Dembni,  demon.  Old  Provengal  demoni,  Lat.  daemonium. 

Descbrdi,  see  discordi. 

Desvdri,  madness.  Old  Provengal  and  Cat.  desvari. 

Discbrdiy   (discbrdio)  discord.  Old  Provengal  discordi,  Lat.  dis- 

CORDIA. 

Divbrci,  divorce.  Old  Provengal  divorsi,  Lat.  divorTium. 
Dourmitbri,   dormitory.   Old   Provencal   dormitori,   Lat.   dormi- 

torium. 
Emperij  empire,  power.  Old  Provencal  emperi,  Lat.  impERIUM. 
Encendt,  fire.  Old  Provencal  encendi,  Lat.  incEndium. 
Endourmitbri,  see  dourmitbri.     Has  also  the  meaning  soporific. 
Ermitbri,  hermitage.  Old  Provencal  ermit6ri,  Lat.  EREmitorium. 
Espdci,  apace.  Old  Provengal  espazi,  espaci,  espasi,  Lat.  spatium. 
Estraourdindri,  extraordinary,  Old  Provencal  extraordinari,  Lat. 

Extraordinarium. 
Estudiy  study.  Old  Provencal  estudi,  Lat.  studium. 
Evangeli,  gospel.  Old  Provencal  evangeH,  Lat.  EvangEUUM. 
Evbri,  ivory.  Old  Provencal  evori,  Lat.  eborEum. 


68  MODERN    PROVENgAL  PHONOLOGY 

Foci,   (Jacio)  face,  front,   Old  Provencal  fasi,  facia.   Folk  Lat. 

FACIA. 

Feudatdri,  vassal,  Old  Provengal  feudatari,  feuzatier,  Lat.  feuda- 

TARIUM. 

Fluid,  river,  stream,  Old  Provencal  fluvi,  Lat.  fluvium. 

Fustdni,  fustian.   Old  Provencal  fustani,   Low  Lat.   fustanium 

(Mist.). 
Garri,  rat,  cry  used  in  a  child's  game.  Old  Provencal  garri. 
Invoulountdn,  see  wulountdri,  involuntary.  Cat.  involontari,  Lat. 

involuntarium. 
Lapiddri,  lapidary.  Old  Provencal  lapidari,  Lat.  lapidarium. 
Uri,  fresh,  cheerful.  Old  Provengal  leri.     Meyer-Liibke  in  his 

dictionary  gives  Gallic  leri,  cheerful  as  etymon. 
Magisteriy  mastery.  Old  Provengal  magisteri,  Lat.  magisterium. 
Malanconi,   melancholy.    Old   Provencal   malenconi,    malanconi, 

Lat.  MELANCHOI.IA. 

Matrimoni,  marriage.  Old  Provengal  and  Cat.  matrimoni,  Lat. 

MATRIMONIUM. 

Memori,   (memdrio)  memory,  Old  Provengal  memori,  memoria, 

Lat.  MEMORIA. 

Miseri,  {miserio)  misery.  Old  Provencal  mizeri,  Lat.  miseria. 
Misteri,    mystery.    Old    Provengal    mesteri.    Cat.    mesteri,    Lat. 

MYSTERIUM. 

Mounastkri,  monastery.  Old  Provengal  monaster!,  Lat.  monas- 

TERIUM. 

Necessdri,  necessary.  Old  Provengal  necesari,  Lat.  nEcESSARium. 

Negbci,  business,  commerce.  Old  Provengal  negoci,  Lat.  nEgotium. 

Nkrviy  nerve.  Old  Provengal,  Cat.  nervi,  Lat.  nERVIum. 

Nksci,  stupid,  silly,  Old  Provengal  nesci.  Cat.  neci,  Lat.  nescium. 

Noutdri,  notary.  Old  Provengal,  Cat.  Notari,  Lat.  notarium. 

Ndvi,  fianc6.  Old  Provengal  novi,  Lat.  novium. 

ddit  hate.  Old  Provengal  odi,  Lat.  odium. 

dli,  oil.  Old  Provengal  oli,  Lat.  olEum. 

drdi,  barley.  Old  Provengal  ordi,  orge,  Lat.  hordEum. 

Ouratori,  orator.  Old  Provengal  oratori,  Lat.  oratorEM. 

Ourdindriy    ordinary.    Old    Provengal    ordenari.    Cat.    ordinari, 

Lat.  ORDINARIUM. 

Paciknci,  patience.  Old  Provengal  patienci,  paciensa,  Lat.  pati- 

ENTIAM. 

Pdliy  silk  cloth,  Old  Provengal  pah,  palH,  Old  French  pahe,  Lat. 

PALLIUM. 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY  69 

Parlatdri,  parlor,  Old  Provengal  parlatori,  Low  Lat.  parlatorium. 
Patrimbni,    patrimony,    Old   Provencal   patrimoni,   Lat.   patri- 

MONIUM. 

Precari,  precarious.  Old  Provengal,  Cat.  precari,  Lat.  precarium. 
PreJcLci,    (prefdcio)   preface.    Old   Provencal,    Cat.   prefaci,   Lat. 

PRABFATIO. 

Pretori,  praetor.  Old  Provengal,  Cat.  pretori,  Lat.  prabtorium. 
Prouprietdri,   proprietor.   Old  Provengal,   Cat.   proprietari,   Lat. 

PROPRIETATEM  +  -ARIUM. 

Prouvhhiy  proverb,  Old  Provengal  proverbi,  Lat.  proverbium. 
Purgatbri,  purgatory.  Old  Provencal  purgatori,  Lat.  purgatorium. 
Raubatori,  theft,  seduction,  Old  Provengal  raubatori,  Germanic 

root,  raubon. 
Rebousteri,  a  funeral  feast.  Old  Provengal  rebosteri,  connected 

with  Lat.  REPONERE,  Old  Prov.  rebondre,  to  bury. 
Reltquari,    reliquary.    Old   Provengal,    Cat.   reliquiari,    Lat.    RE- 

UQUUM  +  ARIUS. 

Remedi,  remedy,  Old  Provengal  remedi,  Lat.  remedium. 
Reprouverbi,  see  prouverbi. 

Saldrt,  salary.  Old  Provencal,  Cat.  salari,  Lat.  samarium. 
Santudrt,  sanctuary.  Old  Provengal  sanctuari,  Lat.  sanctuarium. 
Sapienci,  wisdom,   Old  Provencal  sapienci,  sabieza,  Lat.  sapi- 

ENTIAM. 

Sautkri,  psalter.  Old  Provencal  sauteri,  Lat.  psalterium. 
Sdvi,  (sdbi)  wise.  Old  Provencal  savi,  Lat.  sapius,  sabius. 
Silenciy  silence.  Old  Provengal  silenci,  Lat.  siIvEnTium. 
Stncbpt,  syncope.  Old  Provencal,  Cat.  sincopi,  Lat.  syncope. 
Soulitdrt,  solitary.  Old  Provengal  solitari,  Lat.  souTarium. 
Susdri,  shroud.  Old  Provengal  suzari,  Lat.  sudarium. 
Testimbni,   witness,   testimony,    Old   Provengal  testimoni,    Lat. 

TESTIMONIUM. 

Transitbri,   transitory,    Old   Provencal   transitori,   Lat.   transi- 

TORIUM 

Vicariy  vicar.  Old  Provengal  vicari,  Lat.  vicarium. 

Vituphi,  blame,  shame.  Old  Provengal  vituperi,  Lat.  viTUPERiUM. 

Voulountdri,   voluntary.   Old   Provencal  volontari,   Lat.   VOLUN- 

TARIUM. 

155!  In  the  case  of  the  following  words  the  form  in  unstressed  i 
is  not  found  in  Old  Provengal  although  it  may  have  existed.  The 
corresponding  form  in  Old  Provencal  ends  in  -ia  or  -a.  In  a 
number  of  cases  there  is  a  counterpart  of  this  form  in  Rhodanien 


70  MODERN  PROVENgAI.  PHONOLOGY 

in  -do.     The  forms  in  unstressed  i  may  be  the  continuation  of 
forms  in  -i  in  Old  Provencal  not  found  in  literature  or  they  may 
have  been  formed  by  analogy  with  the  numerous  forms  in  -i. 
Abounddnci,    (abounddncio)    abundance,    Old    Provencal    abon- 

dantia,  abondancia,  abondansa,  Lat.  abundanTiam. 
Assistenciy    (asststencio)    assistance,    Old    Provencal    assistencia, 

Lat.  ASSISTENTIAM. 

Auddct,    (auddcio)    audacity,   boldness.    Old   Provengal   audacia, 

Lat.  AUDACIAM. 

Besti,  (bestto)  beast,  animal.  Old  Provengal  bestia,  Lat.  bestiam. 
Carrubi,    locust-bean,    Old    Provengal    carrubia,    carobla,    Lat. 

GARROBIS. 

Cerimoni,  {ceremoni,  cermbunio)  ceremony.  Old  Provencal  ceri- 

monia,  Lat.  ckrimoniam. 
Cervi,  stag.  Old  Provengal  cervia,  cerv,  cer,  cervi.  It.  cervio,  Lat. 

CERVUS. 

Circonstdnciy    (circonstdncio)    circumstance.    Old    Provengal    cir- 

cumstancia,  Lat.  circumstantiam. 
Couloufoni,    {couloufonioj    colofbnio)    colophane,    Old    Provengal 

colophonia,  Lat.  colophoniam. 
Coumediy    (coumedio)    comedy.    Old    Provengal    comedia,    Lat. 

COMEDIAM. 

Dedicdci,   dedication.    Old   Provengal   dedicacio,   dedicatio,   Lat. 

DEDICATIO. 

Despacienci,  impatience.  Mistral  does  not  give  this  word  in  the 
Tresor  but  uses  it  in  Calendau  p.  268,  i.     i.     See  impacienci. 

Destriici,  (destrussi)  destroyer,  destroying,  Old  Provencal  de- 
struccio,  Lat.  destructio. 

Distdnci,    {distdncio)    distance.    Old    Provencal    distancia,    Lat. 

DISTANTIAM. 

Eicelenciy  excellency,  Old  Provengal  excellencia,  Lat.  ExcEi^i^EN- 

TIAM. 

Eisistenci,  existence.  Old  Provengal  existencia,  Lat.  Existentiam. 
Endustriy    industrious.    Old    Provencal    (subst)    endustria,    Lat. 

industriam. 
Enflu^nct,    {enflukncio)   influence.   Old  Provengal  influencia,   en- 

fluensa,  Lat.  infi^uentiam. 
Espkci,  (especio)  species,  kind.  Old  Provencal  especia,  Lat.  spE- 

CIAM. 

Estdnci,  story,  apartment.  Old  Provencal  estansa,  estansia,  Lat. 

STANTIAM. 


MODERN  PROVENQAI,  PHONOLOGY  7! 

FclU,  hole,  ditch;  jar,  Old  Provengal  fabia,  Lat.  (Mist.)  Fovea. 
Fanfoni,  (founfoni)  symphony,  Old  Prov.  simphonia,  Lat.  sym- 

PHONIAM. 

Gdbi,  (gdbio)  cage.  Old  ProveriQal  gabia,  Lat.  cavEam. 

Gdrdi,  guard.  Old  Provencal  garda,  gardia,  Lat.  guardiam  (Germ. 

wardan). 
Glori,  (glorio)  glory.  Old  Provencal  gloria,  Lat.  gloriam.     Mistral 

also  uses  gloio  {Mtreto  p.  40)  but  does  not  give  this  form  in  his 

Tresor  nor  is  it  found  in  the  Pichot  Tresor  of  Xavier  de  Four- 

vieres. 
Grdci,  (grdcto)  grace,  favor.  Old  Provengal  gracia,  Lat.  gratiam. 
Grupiy    (grupio)    crib,   manger,   Old    Provengal  crupia,   crepcha, 

Germ,  kribja,  krupja  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort). 
Impacienci,    impatience,    Old    Provengal   inpaciencia,    Lat.    im- 

patibntiam. 
Indulgenci,  (indulgencio)  indulgence.  Old   Provencal  indulgencia, 

endulgensa,  Lat.  indulgentiam. 
Injun,    (injurio)    insult.     Old    Provengal   injuria,    enjuria,    Lat. 

injuriam. 
Innoucenci,    {innoucencio)    innocence,    Old    Provencal    inocensa, 

innocencia,  Lat.  innocEntiam. 
Inteligenci,  {inteligencio)  intelligence,  Old  Provencal  intelligencia, 

Lat.  INTELUGKNTIAM. 

Istori,  {istbrio)  history,  Old  Provengal  estoria,  istoria,  Lat.  his- 

TORIAM. 

Ldmi,  (Idmio)  shark.  Old  Provencal  lamia,  Lat.  lamiam. 

Laupt,    (laupio)    arbor,    shelter.    Old    Provengal   laupia.    Germ. 

laubja  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.). 
Lussuri,  lust.  Old  Provencal  luxuria,  Lat.  luxuriam. 
Magnificenci,   magnificence,    Old   Provengal   magnificencia,    Lat. 

MAGNIFICENTIAM. 

Manicordt,  one  stringed  instrument.  Old  Provencal  manicorda, 

Cat.  manacordi,  Gr.  monochordon. 
Materi,    {materio)    matter,    substance,    Old    Provencal    materia, 

Lat.  MATERIAM. 

Misericbrdi,    mercy,    compassion,    Old    Provengal    mizericordia, 

Lat.  MISERICORDIAM. 

Nouveldri,  newcomer,  Old  Provencal  novellaria,  Lat.  novKLARius. 
Ouhediknci,   obedience.   Old   Provengal  obediensa,   Lat.   oboedi- 

Entiam. 
Ourtogrdfi,  orthography.  Old  Provencal  ortografia,  Lat.  orTho- 

GRAPHIAM. 


72  MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY 

Penitenci,     {penitencio)     penitence,     Old    ProvenQal    penitentia, 

penedensa,  Lat.  poenitenTiam. 
Poutenci,    (poutencio)    gallows,    Old    Provencal    potencia,    Lat. 

POTENTIAM. 

Presenci,  presence,  Old  ProvenQal  prezensa,  Lat.  praksEnTiam. 
Presidenci,   (presidencio)  presidency.  Old  Provengal  presidencia, 

Lat.  PRAKSIDENTIAM. 

Prouvidenci,  providence.  Old  Provencal  providensa,  Lat.  provi- 

DENTIAM. 

Rabi,  (rdbio)  rage,  madness.  Old  Provengal  rabia,  Lat.  rabiEm. 
Redoulenci,  odor,  perfume,  Old  Provencal  redolencia,  Latin  verb 

RKDOLKO. 

Repentenci,  repentance,  regret,   Old  Provencal  repentensa,   Lat. 

RK  +  POENITENTIAM. 

Resistenciy    resistance.    Old    Provencal    resistencia,    Latin    verb, 

RESISTERE. 
Sauvi,  sage  (plant)  Old  Provengal  salvia,  Lat.  salviam. 
Scienci,  knowledge,  Old  Provengal  sciencia,  Lat.  sciEntiam. 
Sentenciy  sentence,  decree.  Old  Provencal  sentensa,  sentencia,  Lat. 

SENTENTIAM. 

Serviy  {servo,  servio)  reserve,  reservoir,  park.  Old  Provengal  serva, 

Latin  verb,  sERVARE. 
Suphhiy  (superbio)  pride,  Old  Provengal  soperbia,  superbia,  Lat. 

SUPERBIAM. 

Tdpi,  (tdpio)  hut  made  of  earth.  Old  Provengal  tapia,  Goth,  tappa, 

Frankish,  tappo. 
Vendemiy    {vendemto)    harvest,    Old    Provencal    vendemia,    Lat. 

VINDEMIA. 

Vioulenci,    violence,    Old    Provengal    violensa,    violencia,    Lat. 

VIOLENTIAM. 

Remark.  So  many  of  these  forms  in  unstressed  -i  have  doublets 
in  -io  that  we  are  justified  in  assuming  that  the  forms  in  -i  are 
reductions  of  the  forms  in  -io  on  the  analogy  of  the  many  learned 
words  of  the  same  type  in  -i.  Mistral  very  rarely  uses  the  forms 
in  -io, 

156.  The  following  proper  and  geographical  names  in  unstressed 
-i  are  foimd  in  Mistral. 
Aldriy  Old  Provencal  Alaric,  Lat.  alaricus. 
Amhrbsi,  Ambrose,  Old  Provengal  Ambrueys,  Lat.  ambrosius. 
Antbniy  Anthony,  Old  Provengal  Antoni,  Lat.  antonius. 
Apoucalussi,   Apocalipse,   Old   Provencal  Apocalipsi,   Lat.   apo- 
calypse. 


MODERN   PROVlSNgAI,  PHONOLOGY  73 

Aqtiitdni,  Aquitaine,  Old  ProvenQal  Aquitania,  Lat.  aquitaniam. 

Artubt,  The  Artuby,  tributary  of  the  Verdon. 

Bounifdci,  Boniface,  Old  Provengal  Bonifaci,  Lat.  bonifatius. 

CaMri,  Calvary,  Old  ProveiiQal  Calvaria,  Lat.  cai^varius. 

Cefalbni,  A  Grecian  island,  Lat.  cephalleniam,  cephai^oniam. 

Counsbrci,  Consorce,  Lat.  consortiam. 

Damidti,  Damiette,  city  of  Egypt,  Old  Provencal  Damiata,  Lat. 

TAMIATIS. 

Estrbpi,  Estropy,  name  of  a  Provengal  family.  Old  Provengal 

Stropi,  Lat.  (Mist.)  eutropius. 
Gregbriy  Gregory,  Old  Provencal  Gregori,  Lat.  gregorius. 
Itdli,  {Itdlio)  Italy,  Old  Provencal  Itali,  Lat.  italiam. 
Lazdrri,   (Lazdri)   Lazarus,   Old  Provencal   (Mist.)   Lazari,  Lat. 

LAZARUS. 

Macedoni,  Macedonia,  Cat.  Macedonia,  Lat.  macedonlam. 
Prussi,  Prussia,  Cat.  Prussia,  Lat.  prusslam. 
Remest,  Ramezy,  Lat.  rEmedius. 
Sidbni,  Sydney,  Lat.  sidonius. 

157.  The  following  list  contains  words  for  which  the  Old  Pro- 
vengal  form  is  usually  lacking,  or  if  it  exists,  the  Latin  etymon 
does  not  seem  to  justify  the  form  in  -i.  The  majority  of  them  are 
taken  directly  from  the  Latin  or  from  some  of  the  Romance 
languages. 
Abi,   coat,  garment,   Old  Provencal  habit,  abit,  French  habit, 

Lat.  HABITUS. 

Anciy  (dncio)  anxiety,  danger.  Cat.  ansia,  Lat.  anxlam. 

Angbni,  (ag6ni)  agony,  Lat.  agonlam. 

Arleriy  of  Aries,  Lat.  arlerius. 

Arsi,  burning  thirst,  Lat.  arsionEm. 

Avi,  grandfather.  Old  Provengal  avi,  Lat.  AVUS. 

Bdhi,  toad.  Old  ProveuQal  babi,  Lat.  babulus. 

Batisteriy  chapel  of  baptism,  Lat.  bapTisterium. 

Bbmi,  vomit,  Old  Provencal  vomit,  Lat.  VOMITUS.  This  word 
shows  Gascon  origin  by  its  initial  b  (§  99). 

Brancdci,  silly  fellow,  Lat.  pancraTius. 

Cdrri,  car,  vehicle,  Old  Provencal  car,  carre,  Lat.  carrum.  This 
word  does  not  really  belong  in  this  Hst  although  similar  in  form. 
Its  source  is  Old  Provencal  carre  and  comes  from  the  dialect  of 
Marseille  where  the  final  unstressed  e  of  Old  Provencal  is  repre- 
sented by  i.  This  demands  a  grave  accent  on  the  syllable 
preceding  (Koschwitz,  Gr.  §1,  i.).     See  also/^m. 


74  MODERN   PROVISNQAI,  PHONOLOGY 

Catarri,  whim,  caprice,  Old  Provengal  catar(r),  Lat.  catarrhus. 

This  word  like  carri  may  be  an  importation  from  the  Marseille 

dialect. 
Celihatariy  {celihatario)  bachelor.  Port.  ceHbatario. 
Cicori,  chicory,  Lat.  cichorium. 
Counsuldri,  (counsuldno)  consular,  Lat.  consui^aris. 
Ddti,  date.  Old  Provengal  datil,  Lat.  dactylus. 
Desgraciy    (desgrdcio)    misfortune,    accident,    Lat.    (Mist.)    dis- 

GRATIAM. 

Dicioundriy    dictionary,    Sp.    diccionario,    Fr.    dictionnaire,    Lat. 

(Mist.)  dictionarium. 
Dignitdri,  dignitary,  I^at.  dignitatem  +  -arius. 
Engeni,    (engenio)     abiHty,    skill,    Old    Provengal    engenh.    Cat. 

engeny,  ingeni,  Lat.  ingbnium. 
Eptsodi,  episode,  Sp.  episodio,  Fr.  episode,  Lat.  Episodium. 
Epitdfi,   epitaph.    Old   Provencal    (Mist.)    epitafi,    epictafi,    Lat. 

(Mist.)  EPITAPHIUM. 

Escapatori,  loop-hole,   means  of  escape,   Sp.   Port,   escapatoria. 

Old  Provengal  verb  escapar,  Rhod.  escapa. 
Esclussi,  {clupsts,  esclissi)  eclipse,  Old  Provengal  escHpse,  clipse, 

Lat.  EcuPSis. 
Escbrpiy  cormorant,  Cat.  escorpi.     Seems  in  some  dialects  to  be 

confused  with  Lat.  scorpius,  a  scorpion,  as  it  is  used  in  this 

sense. 
Espressi,   on  purpose,   Old   Provengal  expres,   Fr.   expres,   Lat. 

EXPRBSSE. 
Estdsi,  ecstasy.  Old  Provencal  extasis,  Lat.  ExTasis. 
Estbrij  rush.  Old  Provencal  estueira,  Lat.  storEam. 
Esturti,    (estultis)    fooHsh,    Old    ProveuQal    estout,    estolt,    Lat. 

STUI.TUM. 

Ferri,  (Jerre)  iron.  Old  Provencal  ferre,  fer,  Lat.  PERRUM.     This 

is  the  Marseille  form  of  the  word  (cf.  cdrri  above). 
Flori,  flourishing.  Old  Provengal  florit,  Lat.  floritum. 
Gdngui,  fishnet  dragged  after  a  boat,  Old  Provengal  ganguil.  Low 

Lat.  (Mist.)  GANGUILO. 

G^nty  genius,  talent.  Old  Provengal  genh,  ginh,  Sp.  Port.  It.  genio, 

Lat.  GENIUM. 

leliy  (tie)  lily.  Old  Provengal  lili,  ili,  Lat.  lilEum. 

Independknciy  independence.   Cat.  Sp.   Port,  independencia,   Fr. 

ind^pendance,  Lat.  *indepEndentiam. 
Insoulenciy  insolence,  Cat.  Sp.  Port,  insolencia,  Fr.  insolence,  Lat. 

insolentiam. 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY  75 

Janissari,   janissary,    Port,    janizaro,    Fr.   janissaire,    Low    Lat. 

(Mist.)  JANIZARI,  Turk,  ieni-tcheri. 
Languitbriy  ennui,  weariness.     Connected  with  Rhodanien  verb 

langui,  Lat.  languerK. 
Lougatarij  lodger.  Old  Provencal  logadier,  Folk  Lat.  locatarius 

for  LOCATORIUS. 

Metroupbli,  metropolis,  Cat.  Sp.  Port.  It.  metropoli,  Lat.  metro- 
polis. 

Miliounari,  millionaire,  Cat.  millionari,  Sp.  millonario,  Fr. 
millionnaire.  It.  millionario. 

Mourtudrt,    mortuary,    Sp.    Port,    mortuario,    Lat.    mortuus  + 

-ARIUS. 

Munifichici,    munificence.    Cat.    Sp.    munificencia,    Lat.    muni- 

FICENTIAM. 

Ourouscopt,  horoscope,  Cat.  Port,  horoscopo.  It.  oroscopo,  Lat. 

haruspicium. 
Parlamentari,  officer  with  a  flag  of  truce,  Sp.  parlamentario,  Low 

Lat.  PARLAMENTARIUS. 

Pati,  meadow,  uncultivated  land,  interior  court.  Mistral  gives 
Lat.  PASTUM  which  seems  improbable.  Probably  connected 
with  Sp.  patioy  Cat.  pati,  Lat.  patidus  (roomy)  (Meyer-Liibke, 
Wort.  6291a). 

Pensiounari,    boarder.    Cat.    pensionari,    Fr.    pensionnaire,    Lat. 

PENSIONEM  +  -ARIUS. 

Petroli,  petroleum.  Cat.  petrol,  It.  petrolic,  Sp.  Port,  petroleo, 

Fr.  petrole,  Lat.  petra  +  -olEum. 
Porrt,  leak.     Probably  Marseille  dialect  (see  carri).     Commoner 

form  is  porre.     Old  Provencal  por,  porre,  Lat.  porrum. 
Poupouldri,  popular.  Old  Provencal  popular,  Lat.  popularis. 
Preludiy  prelude.  It.  Sp.  Port,  preludio. 
Prouvisdri,    provisional.    Port,    provisorio,    Fr.    provisoire,    Lat. 

PROVISORIUS. 

Queli,  pot,  black  coat,  Lat.  (Mist.)  chELYON. 

Rdnci,  rancid,  old  person.  Old  Provencal  ranc,  Lat.  rancidus. 

Recdti,  (recate),  care  of  household,  economy.  Old  Provencal  recapte. 

Probably  Marseille  dialect  (see  carri). 
Refeitbri,  refectory.     Old  Provencal  refector,  Fr.  refectoire,  Lat. 

REFECTORIUM. 

Repertbri,  repertory,  Fr.  repertoire.     Connected  with  Latin  verb 

REPERIRE. 
Rousdriy  rosary,  Cat.  rosari,  Lat.  rosarium. 
Sardbnt,  sardonyx.  Old  Provencal  sardonic,  Lat.  sardonyx. 


76  MODERN   PROVENgAL   PHONOLOGY 

Scendri,   scenario,   dramatic  action,   It.   scenario.   Cat.   escenari, 

Lat.  SCENA  +  -ARIUM. 

Seciilari,  secular.  Old  Provengal  secular,  Lat.  secularis. 
Semenari,  seminary,  Sp.  Port.  It.  seminario,  Lat.  seminarium. 
Senbdi,  synod,  Lat.  synodium. 
Seti,  seat,  stool,  Old  Provengal  seti,  Sp.  sitio.     Connected  with 

Lat.  SEDEM. 
Sbci,  comrade,  Port.  Sp.  socio,  Lat.  sociUM. 
Souldci,   (sotdas)   relief,   consolation.   Old  Provencal  solatz,  Lat. 

SOLATIUM. 

Tedi,  disgust,  ennui,  Cat.  tedi,  Sp.  Port,  tedio,  Lat.  taedium. 
Temperi,  storm,  bad  weather.  Old  Provengal  tempier,  Lat.  TEm- 

PERIES. 
Tragedi,    {tragedio)    tragedy,    Cat.   Sp.    Port.    It.    tragedia,    Lat. 

TRAGOEDIAM. 

IJsiri,  oyster.  Old  Provencal  ostra,  Lat.  ostream. 

158.  In  this  section  will  be  treated  a  number  of  words  of  obscure 
etymology.     Their  form  causes  them  to  be  grouped  with   the 
other  foreign  words  ending  in  unstressed  -i. 
Aiblij  kind  of  dressing  made  with  garlic,  Sp.  ajolio. 
Auvdri,    accident,    misfortune.     Mistral    gives    Old    Provengal 

auvalli,  Low  Lat.  orvalium. 
Basbfi,  silly,  imbecile,  Sp.  bazofia,  It.  battisoffia. 
Belbri,    (belbrio)    luxury    of    adornment.    Old    Provengal    belor, 

Connected  with  Lat.  bellus. 
Bkrhi,  canker  in  a  tree,  insulting  name  for  peasant  at  Marseilles, 

Old  Provengal  derti,  derbi,  berbi,  Gallic  derbita. 
Beulbli,  sort  of  owl.  Old  Provengal,  Cat.  oliba  (Mist.). 
Bbchi,  ram.  Old  Provengal  boc.  Germ.  bock. 
Bbri,  (bbrio)  barn,  farm.  Old  Provengal  boaria,  boria,  Lat.  boaria 

(Mist.). 
Boucbniy  little  piece,  mouthful.  Old  Provencal  bocon. 
Caleti,  cry  school  children  use  when  they  cause  their  comrades  to 

retreat  after  a  challenge.     Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 
Carivendi,  one  who  sells  dear.     Modern  formation. 
Cieri,  common  name  of  the  Old  Roman  theatre  at  Orange,  Old 

Provengal  gir,  Lat.  circum. 
Desfeci,  ennui,  disgust.  Old  Provengal  desfeci,  defeci,  defesi.     Con- 
nected with  Latin  verb  dEFicerE. 
Enferriy    (enferrio)   hobbles.   Old   Provencal  enferriar,   to  put  in 

irons. 


MODERN  PROVENQAIy  PHONOLOGY  77 

EngcLmhi,  detour,  pretext,  Old  Provengal  (Mist.)  encrambi,  Lat. 

AMBAGES. 

Enrabiy  {enrage)  rage,  action  of  enraging,  Old  Provencal  (Mist.) 
arapi.     Connected  with  Old  Provencal  verb  enrabiar. 

Ensdrri,  {ensdrrio)  pair  of  rush  baskets.  Probably  connected 
with  Old  Provencal  sarria.  Meyer-Liibke  (Wort.  7518)  con- 
nects it  with  Goth,  sahrja. 

Escdfi,  irony,  pretense,  English,  scoff  (Mist.). 

Esgldsi,  (esgldri)  fear,  terror.  Connected  with  Old  Provengal 
verb  esglaziar,  to  frighten. 

Esluci,  flash,  Old  Provencal  esluchar,  Lat.  Exlucidare. 

Espeibtij  child  who  tears  his  clothes,  tattered  person.  Old  Pro- 
vencal verb,  espeillar,  on  root  of  Lat.  spoliam. 

Esquicheti,  {d  Vesquichkti)  by  pressing.  Connected  with  the 
verb  esquicha,  etymology  obscure. 

Estrdnsi,  great  fear,  anxiety,  Old  Provengal  transe  (Mist.). 
Probably  connected  with  Rhod.  transi,  to  die. 

Fduvi,  sumach,  Old  Provencal  falb,  faub,  fauve  (pale  tawny  coloj), 
Lat.  Germ,  falvus  (Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.  3174). 

Gdmhi,  crooked,  limping.  Mistral  suggests  Low  Lat.  cambeus, 
from  Lat.  scambus,  bowlegged. 

Gdubi,  (garbe,  gdrhi)  natural  ease,  grace.  Probably  connected 
with  Old  Provencal  garbier,  adroit,  graceful  and  It.  garbo, 
grace. 

Gavdrri,  hard  tumor  on  the  foot  of  a  horse.     Port,  gavarro. 

Gimerre,  large  mule,  brutal  man,  Heb.  (Mist.)  chamor. 

Gldri,  affliction,  sorrow,  fear,  same  root  as  esglari,  esglazi.  Old 
Provencal  glai. 

Gorrt,  Httle  pig,  Old  Provencal  gorret,  gorrin,  Gr.  pig  (Mist.) 
Meyer-Liibke  gives  gorr,  onomatopoeic  form,  cf.  also  Germ, 
gorren,  to  grunt.  Perhaps  connected  with  Gall.  *crinos, 
hog,  (Meyer-Liibke  Wort.  2328)  from  which  Piemontese  krin  or 
kurin. 

Gregdli,  (Mist.  Isclo  d'Or,  gregau)  wind  from  northeast,  Cat.  Sp. 
gregal. 

Gr^pi,  numbness  from  cold,  Low  Lat.  (Mist.)  guERPUS. 

Lend,  line,  fish-line,  It.  lezna. 

Lepi,  piece,  blow.     Mistral  suggests  Sp.  lapo  and  Eng.  lop. 

Luri,  {lurio)  otter.  Old  Provencal  loira,  loiria,  luria,  Lat.  lutram. 

Mbssi,  cabin-boy,  Old  Provencal  mos,  Fr.  mousse,  Sp.  mozo,  It. 
mozzo,  Lat.  mutius. 


78  MODERN   PROVENQAI,  PHONOLOGY 

Moti,  ram  without  horns,  Lat.  mutilus  (Mist.)- 

Noli,  (nolis)  freight,  Old  Provengal  noli,  nolit,  Lat.  naulum. 

Pantori,  sort  of  triangular  sail.  Old  Fr.  pantoire,  connected  with 

Lat.  PENDERK. 

Papdrri,    poppy,    Old    Provencal    papaver.    It.    papavero,    Lat. 

PAPAVER. 

Pelofi,  poor  wretch,  ragged  creature.  Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 

Perhaps  connected  with  same  root  as  espeioti,  i.e.  from  Old 

Provengal  espeillar,  Lat.  spoliarE. 
Periissi,  (perussio)  wild  pear.     Connected  with  Lat.  pirum. 
Pleti,  baton,  stick,  Russ.  pleti,  Lat.  plectrum. 
Pbchi,  pocket,  hollow.     Mistral  gives  It.  bozza.  Low  Lat.  pocchia. 

Perhaps  Fr.  poche,  Frankish  pokko  (Meyer-Liibke  6631). 
Rafij  farm-hand,  Arab.  r6fik. 

Rebdbi,  (revobis)  feast.     Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 
Refouleri,  whim,  caprice,  Old  Provencal  refoleiar,  Lat.  FOLLIS. 
Reindubi,  kind  of  bird,  Fr.  cul-blanc,  Eng.  wheat-ear. 
Reldmbi,  respite,  relief.  Old  Provencal  (Mist.)  relaps,  relais  Fr. 

relaps,  Lat.  relapsus. 
Reldpi,  restive,  rebellious.  Old  Provencal  reiropios. 
Renbsiy  (renous)  grumbling,  scolding.  Old  Provencal  renos,  rainos. 
Rtissi,  buzzard.  Old  Provencal  (Mist.)  ruissa. 
Sabatdriy   place   where   the   sabbat  was  held.     Connected   with 

Lat.  SABBATUM. 

Sdfi,  (sofio)  whitebait  (fish).  Old  Provengal  (Mist.)  sophia. 
Souldmi,  (souldmi)  monotonous  song  or  chant,  Sp.  saloma,  Lat. 

CELEUMA  (Mist.). 
Tafdri,  noise,  disturbance.     Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 
Tantalori,  lunatic,  visionary.     Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 
TarabasUri,  noisy  child.     Connected  with  Old  Provengal  tabu- 

stire,  to  make  a  noise. 
Tdchi,  stroke,  blow.     Onomatopoeic  word.   Old  Provencal  toe, 

It.  tocco,  Sp.  toque,  cf.  Eng.  tic-toe. 
Tdtiy  trunk  of  a  tree.     Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 
Trdnsi,  trance,   anxiety.     Port,  transe,  Sp.  trance,   Latin  verb 

TRANSIRE. 

TrebouUri,   disturbing,  Old  Provengal  trebolar,  Folk  Lat.  TUR- 

BULARE. 

Tressimdci,  inextricable  thing,  inexplicable  affair.     Old  Provengal 

tresimar  (Mist.). 
Trigdssi,  noise,  confusion.     Mistral  gives  no  etymology. 


modern  provencal  phonol,ogy  79 

Accessory  Sounds. 

159.  Certain  sounds  are  developed  at  times  for  phonetic  reasons. 
Sometimes  the  sound  is  a  vowel  and  sometimes  a  consonant. 

160.  s  initial  followed  by  a  consonant  develops  a  prosthetic 
E  in  Folk  Latin  (§  140)  (Grandgent,  Vulgar  Latin,  §  230). 

SCALAM  escala  escalo 

scriberE  escriure  escrUure 

STRicTUM  estrech  estre 

161.  The  group  mi^  develops  6,  giving  mhl  (§  66,  2). 

CUMULARE  comblar  coumhla 

HUMii^EM  umble  umble 

iNSiMUiy  ensemble  enskmhle 

162.  The  group  mr  develops  6,  giving  mhr  (§  66,  5). 

CAMERA  cambra  chambro 

mEmorare  membrar  membra 

NUMERUM  nombre  noumbre 

163.  The  group  I.R  develops  d  giving  /c?r  (§  79,  2). 

ABS01.VERE  absoldre  absoudre 

FULGUR  foldre  foudre 

164.  The  group  nr  develops  d  giving  ndr  (§71,  4). 

cinerEm  cendre  ckndre 

PONERE  ponre  poundre 

tenerum  tendre  Undre 

165.  A  word  beginning  with  the  rounded  vowel  ou  or  the  diph- 
thong ue  has  a  tendency  to  develop  v. 

undEcim  onze  vounge 

ungerE  onher  vougne 

HODiE  oi  '^y^ 

ocTEM  ueg  vue 

(a)  The  v  in  awust,  Old  Provengal  agost,  aost,  avost,  is  due  to 
same  cause  although  the  v  is  of  earHer  date  in  this  word  as  it  is 
found  in  Old  Provengal  (§  124,  la). 


PART  II.— MORPHOLOGY 

1 66.  In  morphology  we  are  dealing  with  phenomena  which  are 
usually  exceptions  to  phonetic  laws  and  which  show  the  workings 
of  analogy.  It  is  not  the  intention  in  the  present  work  to  discuss 
those  forms  in  Rhodanien  which  have  developed  regularly  from 
Old  Provengal,  but  only  to  treat  new  formations,  such  for  example 
as  the  perfects  in  -gu-,  Rhod.  aguere,  Old  Provengal  ac;  Rhod. 
parti gudre,  Old  Provengal  parti. 

167.  Old  Provengal  had  a  two  case  declension  and  Sectional  s 
played  an  important  part  in  distinguishing  between  the  nomina- 
tive and  accusative  case.  When  the  finals  became  silent  this  in- 
flection disappeared.  The  accusative  is  the  basis  of  the  modern 
forms  except  in  a  few  instances  where  the  nominative  has  sur- 
vived as  in  the  personal  pronouns  and  exceptionally  in  a  very 
limited  number  of  nouns,  such  as  "  vocative  "  personal  names. 

ArticIv^,  Definite  and  Indefinite. 

168.  The  singular  of  the  definite  article  in  Rhodanien  is  phonetic- 
ally regular.  Old  Provencal  lo,  la,  surviving  as  lou,  la.  In  the 
plural,  instead  of  preserving  los,  las,  Rhodanien  has  kept  the 
masculine  plural  It  which  serves  for  both  genders.  The  survival 
of  the  nominative  plural  li  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  is  the  more 
distinctive  form.  With  the  fall  of  the  final  s,  the  forms  los,  las, 
became  the  same  as  the  singular,  hence  the  nominative  li  survived. 
An  5  is  added  to  li  before  a  plural  word  beginning  with  a  vowel :  lis 
ome,  the  men.  This  s  is  due  to  a  crossing  of  li  with  los,  las.  The 
final  s  became  silent  first  before  consonants  and  was  preserved 
before  vowels.  When  li  began  to  replace  los,  las  it  remained  li 
before  consonants  but  became  lis  before  vowels.  The  retention 
of  5  in  adjective  plurals  before  nouns  beginning  in  a  vowel  (§  173) 
is  a  similar  phenomenon. 

169.  In  the  indefinite  article  we  must  note  the  plural  in  i,  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  plural  li  of  the  definite  article  (§  168).  In 
Old  Provengal  the  plural  of  the  indefinite  article  was  used  with  a 
collective  force  of  several  objects  of  the  same  kind,  as  unas  letras, 
a  letter.  In  Rhodanien  ww  occurs  only  of  things  used  in  the 
plural  and  is  equivalent  to  "  a  pair  of,"  as  uni  cisku,  a  pair  of 
scissors;  ttni  soulie,  a  pair  of  shoes.     (Cf.  Schultz-Gora,  §  122). 

80 


MODERN  PROVENgAI,  PHONOLOGY  8 1 

ADJECTIVES 

170.  The  inflection  of  the  adjective  must  be  discussed  under 
two  heads,  the  formation  of  the  feminine  and  the  formation  of  the 
plural. 

171.  In  Old  Provencal  adjectives  can  be  divided  into  two  classes, 
those  which  derive  from  adjectives  of  the  bonus  bona,  type, 
having  a  special  form  for  the  feminine  and  those  which  derive  from 
the  GRANDis,  grandis,  type,  having  a  single  form  for  the  mas- 
culine and  feminine.  In  the  modern  tongue  a  leveling  has  taken 
place  and  all  adjectives  have  conformed  to  the  first  type  and  have 
a  special  form  for  the  feminine  ending  in  0,  the  modern  representa- 
tive of  the  Old  Provencal  final  a. 

&om(bonum)  6owo(bonam) 

5^gWr(SECURUM)  5^gWro(SECURAM) 

grawii  (grandem)  grawJo  (grandem) 

(a)  In  certain  cases  we  find  in  the  feminine  a  consonant  that 
has  disappeared  from  the  masculine  because  it  has  become  final  or 
vocalized. 

^/•eWzV(PRIMARIUM)  ^r^W^Vro(PRIMARIAM) 

5^(siccum)  seco{siQQAui) 

am(AMICUM)  amigo{AMl.QAM) 

6^w(beli.um)  6^//(?(bei.lam) 

now  (novum)  wo2;o(novam) 

(b)  In  certain  cases  phonetic  development  has  involved  a  change 
of  the  consonant  preceding  the  o, 

Sage{SKBl{JU)  5a/<9(SABIAM) 

proudigue  (prodigum)       proudtgo  (prodigam) 

WW^(mUTUM)  WW(ic>(MUTAM) 

6^mw(BENIGNUM)  6^mgW0(BENIGNAM) 

(c)  The  Latin  sufiix  -atrix  has  survived  in  the  form  -airts. 

enc  antaire  {iNC  ANT ator)  encantairis  (inc  ant  atrix) 

Remark.  A  few  traces  of  the  old  type  remain.  Grand  is  fre- 
quently used  both  for  the  masculine  and  the  feminine.  Mistral, 
enCuno  grand  cuiero  (Mem.  e  Rac.  p.  56). 

172.  The  adjective  has  preserved  traces  of  the  old  method  of 
forming  the  plural  and  has  developed  a  new  method. 

173.  An  adjective  terminating  in  the  masculine  singular  by  a 


82  MODERN   PROVieNgAIv  PHONOI.OGY 

consonant,  or  a  tonic  vowel  (diphthong  or  triphthong)  preserves 
the  old  flectional  s  of  the  plural  before  a  substantive  commencing 
with  a  vowel. 

un  poulit  enfant,  a  It  poulits  enfant,  the 
pretty  child.  pretty  children. 

un  hon  ami,  a  good  li  hons  ami,  the  good 
friend.  friends. 

un  viei  ase,  an  old  li  vieis  ase,  the  old 
donkey.  donkeys. 

Remark.  This  method  of  showing  the  plural  is  incomplete  as 
there  is  no  change  in  the  adjective  before  substantives  commencing 
with  consonants.  Thus  the  difference  between  lou  ban  drole  and 
li  hon  drole  is  not  shown  by  the  adjective  but  only  by  the  article. 
In  this  connection  we  might  note  that  phonetically  the  same  thing 
has  occurred  in  French.  While  both  the  article  and  the  adjective 
show  the  plural  in  les  hons  amis,  in  les  hons  gargons  the  article  alone 
shows  the  plural  as  far  as  the  ear  is  concerned.  The  Provengal 
has  kept  the  s  in  this  case  only  where  it  is  pronounced. 

(a)  Adjectives  ending  in  s  in  the  masculine  singular  do  not  add  s. 

lou  faus  ami,  the  false  li  faus  ami,  the  false 

friend.  friends. 

174.  Masculine  adjectives  ending  in  unaccented  e,  and  feminine 
adjectives,  which  always  end  in  0,  change  e  and  0  to  i  in  the  plural. 
This  i  becomes  is  before  words  beginning  with  a  vowel. 

lou  tendre  cor,  the  li  tendri  cor,  the 

tender  heart.  tender  hearts. 

iou  tendre  amant,  the  '         li  tendris  amant,  the 

tender  lover.  tender  lovers. 

la  poulido  chato,  the  li  poulidi  chato,  the 

pretty  girl.  pretty  girls. 

la  vieio  amigo,  the  old  li  vieiis  amigo,  the  old 

friend.  friends. 

(a)  Adjectives  ending  in  co  or  go  change  the  c  and  g  to  qu  and  gu 
before  the  i  of  the  plural.     (This  of  course,  is  purely  graphic.) 

la  fresco  aureto,  the  li  fresquis  aureto,  the 
cool  breeze.  cool  breezes. 

una  longo  esprovo,  a  long  li  longuis  esprovo,  the 
trial.  long  trials. 


MODERN  PROVENgAl,  PHONOLOGY  83 

Remark,  (i)  Koschwitz  (Gr.  §  45)  says  that  this  i  (is)  has 
no  connection  with  the  i  of  the  plurals  of  the  second  declension  in 
Latin,  and  he  attributes  it  to  the  Old  Provencal  plurals  in  as,  es. 
This  final  s,  he  says,  changed  to  i  and  the  resulting  diphthong  ei 
was  later  reduced  to  t.  He  notes  that  in  the  dialect  of  Marseille 
these  adjectives  have  ei.  Mistral,  in  his  Tresor  under  s,  gives  the 
same  explanation  of  these  i  plurals.  It  is  quite  true  that  the 
Rhodanien  plurals  are  represented  in  the  Marseille  dialect  by  ei. 
To  prove  his  theory,  however,  Koschwitz  would  have  to  show  that 
the  Rhodanien  i  plurals  are  a  reduction  of  an  earlier  ei,  which  is 
doubtful.  Against  his  theory  also  stands  the  fact  that  mi,  ti,  si,  li, 
di,  i,  are  mei,  tei,  sei,  lei,  dei,  ei  in  the  Marseilles  dialect  and  all  add 
5  before  words  beginning  with  a  vowel.  These  forms  show  that 
the  ei  is  not  the  development  of  es  but  rather  the  regular  equivalent 
of  the  Rhodanien  final  i  in  the  Marseilles  dialect  just  as  the  Rho- 
danien final  unstressed  e  is  represented  in  the  Marseilles  dialect  by 
i,  sagi  for  sage;  ami  for  ame  etc. 

Paul  Meyer  (Romania  XIV,  pp.  291-292)  notes  the  appearance 
of  the  i  plurals  in  certain  of  the  old  texts  of  the  12th  and  13th 
centuries.  He  calls  this  older  i  plural  "  un  debris  latin."  He  also 
mentions  the  Rhodanien  forms  in  i,  quoting  examples  from  Mistral, 
but  does  not  definitely  state  that  the  modern  form  is  a  survival 
of  the  older  form.  Morf  evidently  considers  the  modern  form  a 
survival  of  the  old  plurals  in  i  as  he  remarks  that  Meyer- Liibke 
has  not  included  Provengal  among  the  languages  that  preserved 
the  Latin  final  i.  Meyer-Liibke  (Gr.  II,  p.  82)  declares  that  this 
is  not  the  case.  He  says  that  the  i  of  heli,  amadi,  cannot  be  put  in 
the  same  category  at  all  as  the  final  i  of  the  Obwald  dialect  because 
in  the  latter  dialect  the  i  of  the  perfects  such  as  audi  and  of 
viGiNTi  remained,  where  they  fell  very  early  in  Provengal  (Grand- 
gent,  Old  Provengal  §  51,  2)  as  did  the  i  in  the  substantives.  To 
regard  the  i  plurals  of  the  modern  Provencal  as  a  survival  of  the 
Latin  i  would  demand  a  special  treatment  of  the  i  in  adjectives 
which  is  not  likely.  He  further  suggests  a  much  better  explana- 
tion, that  the  i  of  the  article  li  was  extended  first  to  a  few  special 
cases  such  as  tanti,  quanti,  autri,  then  to  the  demonstratives  aqueli, 
aquesti  and  finally  to  all  the  adjectives.  In  support  of  this  theory 
he  notes  a  similar  influence  of  the  article  on  the  adjectives  in  the 
Emilien  dialect. 

Remark.  (2)  It  can  be  seen  therefore  that  of  the  two  methods 
of  showing  the  plural;  one,  the  plural  in  s,  is  a  persistence  of  an 


84  MODERN   PROVBNgAI.  PHONOI.OGY 

older  form  while  the  other,  the  plural  in  i,  is  a  new  formation  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  article. 

Numerals 

175.  Among  the  numerals  the  ordinals  alone  show  new  forma- 
tions. In  Old  Provencal  the  ordinals  from  six  up  were  formed  by- 
means  of  the  suffix  -en,  -ena  which  was  used  in  Latin  with  numerals 
in  a  distributive  force.  In  the  modern  tongue  this  formation  has 
been  extended  to  all  the  ordinals.  While  we  have  the  forms 
premie  and  segound  we  also  have  unen,  dousen.  Then  too  there 
has  been  a  confusion  of  suffixes.  In  Old  Provengal  besides  the 
suffix  -en,  -ena,  there  was  a  very  common  adjectival  and  noun 
suffix  -enc,  -enca  (Adams,  pp.  178,  306).  In  the  masculine  these 
two  suffixes  gave  the  same  results  in  the  modern  tongue,  i.e.  -en. 
In  the  feminine  there  are  two  forms  -eno  and  -enco.  The  Old 
Provencal  ordinals  should  have  given  -en,  -eno  but  through  the 
influence  of  the  common  adjectival  suffix  they  have  given  -en, 
-enco. 

Remark.  Utterly  disregarding  the  significance  of  the  Old  Pro- 
vencal feminines  in  -ena,  Koschwitz  derives  the  modern  forms 
from  the  ending  -enc,  -enca  which  he  attributes  to  a  Latin  suffix 
-INQUUM,  -INQUAM  as  in  the  Latin  propinquus.  Adams,  more 
correctly  attributes  this  ending  to  a  Germanic  suffix,  -inco  (Adams, 
pp.  178-180). 

Pronouns 

176.  Personal  Pronouns.  For  the  sake  of  comparison  we  will 
give  a  table  of  the  Old  Provengal  forms  and  their  derivatives  in 
the  modern  tongue. 

Old  Provencal 


Subj. 

Dir.  Ob. 

Ind.  Obj. 

Disj. 

eu,  ieu 

me  (mi) 

me  (mi) 

me  (mi) 

tu 

te(ti) 

-       te(ti) 

te(ti) 

el(elh,  il,  ilh) 

lo 

li(lui) 

lui(el,  elh) 

ela(elha,  ilh) 

la 

li(lui,  lei,  lieis, 
Ihi) 

lieis  (liei,  ela) 

nos 

nos 

nos 

nos 

vos 

vos 

vos 

vos 

il(ilh,  elh) 

Ids 

lor 

els(elhs,  lor) 

elas(elhas) 

las 

lor 

elas(elhas,  lor) 

MODERN  PROVieNgAI.  PHONOLOGY  85 


Rhodanien 

ieu 

me 

me 

i&u 

tu 

U 

te 

tu 

hi 

lou 

U 

&u 

elo 

la 

U 

elo 

nous 

nous 

nous 

nous 

vous 

vous 

vous 

vous 

m 

His)  (IH) 

i& 

m 

177.  A  comparison  of  the  two  tables  reveals  three  facts. 

(a)  The  subject  forms  of  the  conjunctives  have  replaced  the  Old 
Provengal  disjunctives. 

(b)  A  new  form  eli  has  replaced  the  masculine  and  feminine 
plurals  il,  elas. 

(c)  A  new  form  ie  has  taken  the  place  of  the  indirect  object 
forms  li,  lor. 

178.  Grandgent  (Old  Provengal  §  125,  3)  says  that  some  dialects 
preserve  the  final  i  of  eli  and  refers  to  §  51  (i)  of  the  same  work 
where  he  notes  that  in  certain  sections  final  i  was  preserved  as 
late  as  the  12th  century.  He  also  refers  to  Meyer- Lubke,  Gr.  II, 
p.  82. 

In  the  final  i  of  SU  we  are  dealing  with  a  plural  of  the  same 
nature  and  origin  as  the  plurals  of  adjectives  in  ^'  (§  174).  Just 
as  the  i  of  the  article  li  passed  to  the  adjectives  so  it  passed  to  the 
pronoun  el  giving  a  plural  eli  which  displaced  the  feminine  plural 
elas  as  li  displaced  the  feminine  plural  las  of  the  article.  If  we  re- 
gard the  i  of  eli  as  a  survival  of  the  Latin  i  then  we  must  suppose  a 
different  treatment  for  final  i  in  illi  from  the  final  i  in  the  sub- 
stantives and  in  audi  and  viginTi  as  pointed  out  by  Meyer- 
Liibke  (Gr.  II,  p.  82).  Then  too  if  the  i  of  eli  is  of  Latin  origin 
we  ought  to  have  had  Hi  and  not  eli  (Grandgent  §  27;  Schultz- 
Gora  §  19). 

179.  In  regard  to  the  pronoun  ie  we  can  see  its  use  by  the  follow- 
ing examples. 

Aneron  piH  veire  lou  papo  que  ie  doune  sa  benedicioun.  (Mistral, 
Mem.  e  Rac.  p.  224).  They  went  then  to  see  the  pope  who  gave 
them  his  blessing. 

Un  matin  sound  Veinat  e  i^  diguk  (Mistral,  Mem.  e  Rac.  p.  221). 
One  morning  he  called  the  oldest  and  said  to  him. 

La  poueslo  que  se  i'es  publica  (Mistral,  Mem.  e  Rac.  p.  220). 
The  poetry  which  is  published  there. 


86  MODERN   PROVENCAL   PHONOLOGY 

Mat  counte  Jaire  per  i'ana?  (Mistral,  Mem.  e  Rac.  p.  192). 
But  what  to  do  in  order  to  go  there? 

leu,  ie  pountounejant  sa  maneto  febrouso  (Mistral,  Mem.  e  Rac. 
p.  169).     I,  kissing  her  feverish  little  hand. 

Assetas-vous,  midamisello,  ma  maire  ie  digue  (Mistral,  Mem.  e 
Rac.  p.  167).     Sit  down,  ladies,  my  mother  said  to  them. 

From  these  examples  we  can  see  that  ie  is  equivalent  to  the 
indirect  object  form  to  him,  to  her,  to  them,  but  also  to  the  adverb 
there.  Koschwitz  (Gr.  §  54)  says  that  it  is  a  crossing  of  the  Old 
Provengal  li,  lui,  liei,  with  the  adverb  i  (ibi).  That  the  use  of 
the  adverb  i  for  the  indirect  object  pronouns  is  of  early  date,  the 
following  examples  will  show. 

Schultz-Gora,  p.  121.  On  plus  Tesgardon,  plus  i  troban  ad 
esgardar. 

Appel,  Chrestomathie,  p.  88,  i,  11.  Ne  sei  vezi  no  i  aun  unfert 
tan  de  que  puscam  vestir  ne  se  ni  nos. 

Grandgent  (§  123)  remarks  that  i  served  also  as  a  dative  pro- 
noun to  it,  to  them.  This  is  the  use  that  occurs  with  the  French 
y.  As  to  the  beginning  of  this  usage  there  are  examples  that  show 
that  it  began  even  in  folk  Latin.  So  the  question  is  not  so  much 
of  usage  as  of  form.  Meyer-Liibke,  Wort.  4252,  mentions  the 
Old  Aragonese  forms  ive,  ye,  and  Mistral  in  his  Tresor  gives  ie,  ye, 
and  i  as  the  Old  Provengal  forms.  It  is  probable  that  the  simil- 
arity of  use  of  the  adverb  i  and  the  pronouns  lieis,  leis  etc.  may  have 
affected  the  form  of  the  adverb  i  and  produced  ie.  At  any  rate, 
in  the  modern  tongue  ie  has  displaced  li,  lor,  at  the  same  time  re- 
taining the  adverbial  force  of  there. 

Verb. 

180.  As  in  the  case  of  the  other  parts  of  speech  we  will  treat  only 
those  cases  where,  as  the  result  of  analogy  or  some  other  influence 
the  modern  forms  are  not  the  regular  phonetic  equivalents  of  the 
Old  ProveuQal. 

181.  PRESENT  INDICATIVE.  In  the  first  person  singular  we 
would  expect  no  ending,  as  the  Latin  final  o  disappeared  (§  48) 
except  in  the  case  of  those  verbs  ending  in  groups  of  consonants 
demanding  a  support  vowel.  (§  50).  Thus  Old  Provengal  has 
cant,  part,  without  ending,  but  tremble  with  the  supporting  e. 
Even  in  Old  Provengal  (Schultz-Gora  §  130)  a  generalization  had 
begun  and  in  the  modern  tongue,  aided  by  the  influence  of  the 
second  person  in  -es,  this  has  become  complete  and  we  have  cante, 


MODERN   PROVENQAI^  PHONOI.OGY  87 

parte,  as  well  as  tremble.  In  the  second  person  singular  the  Old 
Provencal  -as  of  the  first  conjugation  has  weakened  to  -es  and  this 
has  been  extended  to  the  other  conjugations  where  the  e  is  not 
regular.  In  the  third  singular  the  first  conjugation  is  regular, 
having  0  from  Old  Provengal  final  a.  In  the  other  conjugations 
there  is  no  ending,  merely  the  stem  of  the  verb.  The  final  con- 
sonant is  treated  as  the  phonetic  laws  for  final  consonants  demand. 
The  plural  endings  are  regularly  developed  from  the  Old  Pro- 
vencal except  that  we  have  e  open  instead  of  e  close  in  the  first 
person  plural  of  the  second,  third  and  fourth  conjugations  (§  17, 

3.  4)- 

182.  PRESENT  SUBJUNCTIVE.     The  first  conjugation  already  had 

e  in  the  verbs  where  a  supporting  vowel  was  required.  This  was 
generalized  for  all  verbs.  The  third  plural  in  -on  came  from  the 
present  indicative.  These  endings  were  extended  to  the  other 
conjugations. 

(a)  For  subjunctives  in  which  we  have  -gw-,  see  §  186,  6. 

183.  IMPERFECT  INDICATIVE.  In  the  first  conjugation  the 
singular  is  regular  except  for  the  final  e  of  the  first  person  singular 
where  we  would  expect  o.  The  e  is  due  to  the  influence  of  the 
first  person  singular  of  the  present  indicative  (cf .  parlavo  instead  of 
parlava  in  Italian  due  to  the  influence  of  parlo).  In  the  other 
conjugations  even  in  Old  Provencal  we  find  forms  in  ie  instead  of  ia 
(Appel,  Abriss  der  Formenlehre,  p.  XXIII).  The  shifting  of  the 
accent  due  to  the  plurals  -iam,  -iatz  produced  -ie,  -ies,  ie.  The 
first  singular  has  taken  on  u  under  the  influence  of  the  first  person 
singular  sieu{estre).     In  the  plural  the  endings  are  regular. 

184.  IMPERFECT  SUBJUNCTIVE.  The  first  and  third  persons 
singular  have  adopted  the  e  of  the  second  person  influenced  by 
the  endings  of  the  present  subjunctive.  The  first  and  second 
plural  in  -iaUy  -ias,  have  come  from  the  imperfect  indicative. 

185.  There  remain  to  be  noted,  in  connection  with  the  verb, 
two  phenomena,  the  use  of  -er-  in  the  formation  of  the  perfect 
and  the  great  extension  of  -gu-  in  the  verbal  forms  of  Rhodanien. 


186. 

PERFECTS 

• 

OLD  PROVEN^AI, 

RHODANIEN 

cantei 

canthe 

cantest 

cantkres 

cantet 

cantb 

cantetri 

canterian 

88  MODERN   PROVKNgAI,  PHONOLOGY 

cantetz  cantertas 

canteron  canteron 

An  examination  of  these  perfects  shows  that  only  the  third  singular 
and  the  third  plural  of  the  Rhodanien  forms  are  derived  regularly 
from  Old  Provengal.  The  -er-  of  the  third  plural,  aided  by  the 
influence  of  the  Old  Provengal  conditional  cantera  (Koschwitz, 
Gr.  §  84),  has  invaded  the  other  persons  and  also  the  other  con- 
jugations. To  this  -er-  has  been  added  by  analogy  the  endings 
of  the  present  in  the  first  and  second  singular  and  the  endings  of 
the  imperfect  in  the  first  and  second  plural. 

(a)  While  the  dialects  show  a  great  variety  of  forms  there  is  no 
variation  in  the  language  of  Mistral.  All  perfects  end  in  -eret 
-eres,  -e,  -erian,  -erias,  -eron. 

187.  The  element  -gu-  had  already  appeared  in  Old  ProveuQal. 
In  Latin  perfects  of  the  habui,  debui,  type,  the  hiatus  u  was 
treated  like  the  Germanic  w  (Schultz-Gora  §  150)  and  gave 
gigu).  When  final  the  g  became  c.  Thus  the  perfect  of  habere 
gave  in  Old  Provengal  aic,  aguist,  ac,  aguem,  aguetz,  agron.  This 
-gu-  naturally  appeared  also  in  the  imperfect  subjunctive.  From 
these  two  tenses  the  formation  began  to  spread  even  in  Old  Pro- 
vengal  and  in  Rhodanien  has  invaded  many  other  parts  of  the 
verb. 

(i)  PERFECT.  To  the  element  -gu-  has  been  added  the  endings 
of  the  perfect  of  the  first  conjugation  giving  -guere,  -gu£res,  -gue, 
-guerian,  -guerias,  -gueron.  In  this  way  are  formed  the  perfects 
of  all  verbs  except  those  of  the  first  conjugation. 

(a)  Verbs  in  -i  and  -re  whose  stems  end  in  a  consonant  insert  t 
and  e  between  the  stem  and  -gu-.  Thus  we  have  punt,  puniguere; 
rendre,  rendeguere;  courre,  courreguere. 

(b)  Verbs  whose  stems  end  in  a  vowel  or  a  consonant  that  may 
vocalize  add  the  -gu-  directly  to  the  stem.  Thus  we  have  ab- 
sotidre,  ahsouguere;  dire,  diguere;  vale,  vauguere;  voule,  vouguere. 

(c)  In  many  verbs  the  stem  of  the  present  participle  is  used  to 
form  the  perfect.  Thus,  couire,  cousent  or  couient,  couseguere  or 
couigtiere;  cregne,  cregnent,  cregneguere;  creire,  cresent,  creseguere; 
jougne,  jougnent,  jougnegtiere. 

(d)  The  following  verbs  have  irregular  perfects  in  which  -gu-  is 
is  lacking.  Councebre,  councevent,  has  a  perfect  formed  on  the 
stem  of  the  present  participle,  councevere  and  one  coungaupkre 
formed  on  the  Old  Provengal  perfect  conceup  (Schultz-Gora  §  151) 


MODERN  PROVENgAL  PHONOLOGY  89 

probably  influenced  by  saupkre.  PoudS,  poudHt  or  pousqubnt  has 
a  perfect  formed  on  the  stem  of  pousqu^nt,  pousqubre.  Sah6, 
sachentj  has  one  perfect  sachkre  formed  on  the  stem  of  sachbnt 
and  one  saupere  formed  on  the  Old  Provengal  perfect  saup  (Schultz- 
Gora  §  146).  Vieure  visquent,  has  visquhe  formed  on  the  Old 
Provengal  perfect  vise  (Schultz-Gora  §  138)  which  has  also  in- 
fluenced the  present  participle  visquent. 

(2)  IMPERFECT  SUBJUNCTIVE.  This  tense  is  formed,  in  every 
case,  on  the  same  stem  as  the  perfect. 

(3)  PAST  PARTICIPLE.  Bvcu  in  Old  Provengal  the  -gu-  had 
invaded  the  past  participle  and  we  have  such  form  as  agut,  begut, 
cazegut,  cregut,  degut,  iagut,  mogut,  pagut,  plagut,  pogut,  tengut, 
tolgut,  valgut,  vengut,  vegut,  volgut.  Of  these  forms  we  still 
have  agu,  begu,  casegu,  creigu,  degu,  jagu,  mougu,  plaigu,  tengu, 
vaugu,  vengUj  vougu.  Past  participles  of  this  type  have  increased 
greatly  and  we  have  besides  the  ones  mentioned  above  also  the 
following:  chaure,  chaugu;  couire,  cousegu;  counHsse,  couneigu; 
courre,  courregu,  cregne,  cregnegu;  crHssey  creissegu;  fegne,  fegnegu; 
fouire,  fousegu;  leire,  legu;  mouse,  mousegu;  nouire,  nousegu; 
pareisse,  pareigu;  pegne,  pegnegu;  plagne,  plagnegu;  plbure,  plougu; 
seire,  segu. 

(a)  The  following  verbs  have  irregular  past  participles.  Coun- 
cebre  has  preserved  the  Old  Provencal  counceupu.  In  pouscu  from 
poiAde  we  see  the  sc  that  originated  in  the  Old  Provencal  present 
subjunctive  and  crept  into  the  perfect  (§  187,  id)  and  the  past 
participle.  Sahe  has  sauchu  in  which  the  ch  has  come  from  the 
present  participle  sachknt.  In  viscu  from  vieure  the  sc  comes  from 
the  perfect  stem  (§  187,  id). 

(4)  INFINITIVE.  The  -gu-  has  in  some  cases  invaded  the  in- 
finitive although  these  formations  are  of  very  recent  date.  Thus 
we  have  the  following  doublets;  ave,  ague;  vaU,  vaugue;  vouU, 
vouge;  fale  faugue. 

(a)  In  connection  with  these  infinitive  doublets  we  might  men- 
tion sabe,  saupre;  poude,  pousque;  recebre,  regaupre;  where  the 
second  form  in  each  case  has  been  formed  under  the  influence  of 
the  perfect. 

(5)  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE.  Here  also  the  -gu-  has  caused  the 
following  doublets:  av^nt,  aguknt;  wulknt,  vouguknt;  poud^nt, 
pouguent. 

(6)  PRESENT  SUBJUNCTIVE.  Here  the  forms  with  -gu-  have 
become  almost  the  rule  and  those  without  the  exception.     The 


90  MODERN  PROV^NgAI,  PHONOIyOGY 

following  is  the  list  of  those  with  -gu-;  adurre,  adugue;  ana,  vague; 
queri,  aquerigue;  ausi,  ausigue;  beure,  begue;  bouli,  bouligue;  catre, 
caigue;  chaure,  chaugtie;  claure,  claugue;  coundurre,  coundugue; 
creire,  cresegue  or  cretgue;  cult,  culigue;  curbi,  cnrbigue;  destruire, 
destruigue;  deure,  degue;  dire,  digue;  dourmi,  dourmigue;  escrieure, 
escrigue;  faire,  fague;  fale,  faugue;  jaire,  jaigue  or  jague;  mbure, 
mougue;  nouire,  nouigue;  oufri,  oufrigue;  parHsse,  parHgue;  plaire, 
plaigue;  plbure,  plbugue;  pourgi,  pourgigue;  prendre,  prengue; 
rire,  rigue;  segui,  seguigue;  soufri,  soufrigue;  vale,  vaugue;  veire, 
vegue;  veni,  vengue;  vincre  (vend),  vengue;  civoule,  vougue. 

Finis 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

AppEL,  C,  Provenzalische  Chrestomathie.     Leipzig,  1902. 

Adams,  Word  Formation  in  Provengal.     New  York,  1913. 

AngladB,  Grammaire  de  Vancien  provengal.     Paris,  1921. 

Brunot,  Histoire  de  la  langue  frangaise  des  origines  d  1900.     Paris,  1905  et  seq. 

BouRCiEZ,  Elements  de  linguistique  romane.     Paris,  19 10. 

CrEscini,  Manualetto  provenzale.     Padova,  1905. 

Cooper,  Word  Formation  in  the  Roman  Sermo  Plebeius.     New  York,  1895. 

Densusianu,  Histoire  de  la  langue  roumaine.     Paris,  1901. 

DE  FouRVi^RES,  Grammaire  et  guide  de  la  conversation  provenqales,  Avignon. 

DE  FourvierEs,  Lou  pichot  tresor.     Avignon,  1902. 

Grober,  Grundriss  der  romanischen  Philologie.     2d  edit.     Strasbourg,  1901-. 

GrandgEnt,  An  Introduction  to  Vulgar  Latin.     Boston,  1907. 

Grandgent,  Old  Provengal.     Boston,  1905. 

Hanssen,  Gramdtica  Historica  de  la  Lengua  Castellana.     Halle,  1913. 

JouvEAU,  Elements  de  grammaire  provengale.     Avignon,  1908. 

KoscHWiTz,  Grammaire  historique  de  la  langue  des  Felibres.     Avignon,  1894. 

KoRTiNG,  Lateinisch-Romanisches  Worterbuch.     2d  edit. 

Levy,  Petit  dictionnaire  provengal-frangais.     Heidelberg,  1909. 

Levy,  Provenzalisches- Supplement  Worterbuch  (a-s).     Leipzig,  1894-. 

MoHL,  Introduction  d  la  Chronologic  du  Latin  Vulgaire.     Paris,  1899. 

MeyER-Lubeie,  Einfiihrung  in  das  Studium  der  romainschen  Sprachwissenschaft. 

Heidelberg,  1901. 
Meyer-Lubke,  Grammaire  des  langues  romanes. 
MeyER-Lubke,   Introduccion  al  estudio   de  la  linguistica   romance  (Castro). 

Madrid,  1914. 
Meyer-Lubke,  Italienische  Grammatik.    Leipzig,  1890. 
Meyer-Lubke,  Romanisches  Etymologisches   Worterbuch.     Heidelberg,   191 1- 

1920. 
Mistral,  Lou  Tresor  dou  Felibrige.     Paris,  1888. 
Nicholson,  Fluoreto  de  Prouvengo.    Avignon,  1908. 
Nyrop,  Grammaire  historique  de  la  langue  frangaise.     Copenhague,  1914. 
Portal,  Grammatica  provenzale.     1914. 

Portal,  Letter atur a  provenzale,  I  moderni  trovatori.     Milano,  1907. 
PiDAL,  Mantial  elemental  de  gramatica  historica  espanola.     Madrid,  1905- 
Raynouard,  Lexique  Roman,  Vols.  I-VI.     Paris,  1838-1844. 
RiPERT,  La  Renaissance  Provengale.     Paris,  191 8. 
RoNjAT,  L'Ourtogrdfi  prouvengalo.    Avignon,  1908. 
RousTAN,  Pichoto  Is  tori  de  la  liter  atur  0  d'o.     Marseille,  19 14. 
SeELMann,  Die  Aussprache  des  Latein  nach  physiologisch-historischen  Grund- 

sdtzen.     Heilbronn,  1885. 
ScHwrz-GoRA,  Altprovenzalisches  Elementarbuch.     Heidelberg,  191 5. 
Schwan-Behrens,  Grammaire  de  I'ancien  frangais.    Leipzig,  1913. 


91 


INDEX 


References  are  to  sections 


Adjectives,  Formation  of  Feminine, 

171 

Formation  of  Plural,  172-174 
Article,  Definite  and  Indefinite,  168- 

169 
Consonants,  Classification  of,  59-61 

followed  by  yod,  149-152 

Fricative,  126-152 

Lateral,  75-83 

Nasal,  62-74 

Stop,  92-125 

Trill,  85-91 
Dialects  of  Modern  Provengal,  2 
Diphthongization,  32-37 
Felibrige,  Origin  of,  3 
-gu-.  Phonetics  of,  187 
Imperfect  Indicative,  183 
Imperfect  Subjunctive,  184 
Inflection,  17 

Learned  and  foreign  words   in  un- 
stressed -i,  153-158 
L  mouille,  81-83 


Mistral,  List  of  works  of,  5 

Morphology,  166-187 

Nasals,  Influence  of,  47 

N  mouille,  74 

Numerals,  175 

Palatals,  Influence  of,  38-46 

Perfects,  186 

Phonology,  7-152 

Present  Indicative,  181 

Present  Subjtmctive,  182 

Pronouns,  Personal,  176-179 

Rhodanien,  2 

Sounds,  Accessory,  159-165 

Stress,  primary  and  secondary,  8 

Vowels,  Counterfinal,  53-55 

Counterpenultimate,  57 

Final,  48-52 

Penultimate,  56 

Stressed,  13-37 

Unstressed,  48-57 
Vowel  systems,  12 


52 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY   STUDIES    IN    ROMANCE 
PHILOLOGY  AND  LITERATURE 

Edited  by  Henry  Alfred  Todd  and  Raymond  Weeks 

FREDERIC    MISTRAL,   POET    AND    LEADER   IN   PROVENCE. 

By  Charles  Alfred    Downer,   Ph.D.     i2mo,  cloth,  pp.   x  +  267. 

$2.00  net. 
CORNEILLE  AND  THE  SPANISH  DRAMA.     By  J.  B.  Segall,  Ph.D. 

i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  ix  +  147.     $1-75  net. 
DANTE   AND   THE   ANIMAL   KINGDOM.     By   Richard   Thayer 

Holbrook,    Ph.D.     i2mo,    cloth,    pp.    xviii  +  367.     Illustrated. 

$2.50  net. 

THE  INDEBTEDNESS  OF  CHAUCER'S  TROILUS  AND  CRIS- 
EYDE  TO  GUIDO  DELLE  COLONNE'S  HISTORIA  TROJANA. 

By  George  L.  Hamilton,  A.M.  i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  vi  +  159.  $1.50 
net. 

THE  ANGLO-NORMAN  DIALECT.  A  Manual  of  its  Phonology 
and  Morphology  with  illustrative  specimens  of  the  literature. 
By  Louis  Emil  Menger,  Ph.D.  8vo,  cloth,  pp.  xx  +  167.  $1.75 
net. 

CORNEILLE  AND  RACINE  IN  ENGLAND.  A  Study  of  the  Eng- 
lish Translations  of  the  Corneilles  and  Racine,  with  special  refer- 
ence to  their  representation  on  the  English  stage.  By  Dorothea 
Frances  Canfield,  Ph.D.     i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  xiii  -f-  295.     $2.00  net. 

THE   VERSIFICATION   OF  THE   CUADERNA  VIA,   as   found   in 

Berceo's  Vida  de  Santo   Domingo  de  Silos.     By  John   Driscoll 

Fitz-Gerald,     Ph.D.     8vo,    pp.    xiii  -f  112.     Facsimiles.     Paper, 

$1.25  net,  cloth,  $1.50. 
PIERRE    LE    TOURNEUR.     By    Mary    Gertrude    Gushing,    Ph.D. 

i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  xi  +  317.     $2.00  net. 
THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF  STAGE   DECORATION  IN  FRANCE 

IN   THE   MIDDLE   AGES.     By    Donald    Clive   Stuart,    Ph.D. 

i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  ix  -|-  230.     $1.75  net. 
CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE.     By  Caroline  Ruutz-Rees,  Ph.D. 

i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  xvi  +  664.     $2.25  net. 
THE  SYMBOLISM  OF  VOLTAIRE'S  NOVELS,  with  special  reference 

to  Zadig.     By  William  Raleigh  Price,  Ph.D.     i2mo,  cloth,  pp. 

vi  -f  269.     $1.75  net. 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LEMCKE  &  BUECHNER,  Agents 
30-32  East  20th  Street  New  York  City 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES   IN   ROMANCE 
PHILOLOGY  AND  LITERATURE 

Edited  by  Henry  Alfred  Todd  and  Raymond  Weeks 


PARTICIPIAL  SUBSTANTIVES  OF  THE  -ATA  TYPE  IN  THE 
ROMANCE  LANGUAGES,  with  special  reference  to  French. 
By  Luther  Herbert  Alexander,  Ph.D.  8vo,  pp.  xii  +  163.  Paper, 
$1.50  net;  cloth,  Si. 75  net. 

UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW  IN  THE  OLD  FRENCH  CHANSONS  DE 
GESTE.  A  Study  in  the  Survival  of  Matriarchy.  By  William 
Oliver  Farnsworth,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth,  pp.  xii  +  267.     ^2.00  net. 

DIDEROT  AS  A   DISCIPLE   OF  ENGLISH  THOUGHT.     By   R. 

Loyalty  Cru,  Ph.D.     i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  xiii  +  498.     $2.25  net. 

LI  ROMANS  DOU  LIS.  By  Frederic  C.  Ostrander,  Ph.D.  In 
Memoriam.     8vo,  cloth,  pp.  vii  +  154.     $1.75  net. 

EUROPEAN  CHARACTERS  IN  FRENCH  DRAMA  OF  THE  EIGH- 
TEENTH CENTURY.  By  Harry  Kurz,  Ph.D.  8vo,  cloth, 
pp.  xii  +  329.     $1.75  net. 

THE  USE  OF  THE  INFINITIVE  INSTEAD  OF  A  FINITE  VERB 
IN  FRENCH.  By  Benjamin  F.  Luker,  Ph.D.  i2mo,  cloth, 
pp.  ix  +  114.     $1.50  net. 

THE  GLORIA  D'AMOR  OF  FRA  ROCABERTI.  Edited  by  H.  C. 
Heaton,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth,  pp.  xiii  +  167.     $1.75  net. 

FRENCH  CRITICISM  OF  AMERICAN  LITERATURE  BEFORE 
1850.  By  Harold  Elmer  Mantz,  Ph.D.  i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  ix 
+  165.     I1.75  net. 

THE    SPIRIT   OF   PROTEST   IN   OLD   FRENCH  LITERATURE. 

By  Mary  M.  Wood,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth,  pp.  xii  +  201.     $1.75  net. 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  ITALY  ON  THE  LITERARY  CAREER  OF 

ALPHONSE    DE    LAMARTINE.     By    Agide    Pirazzini,    Ph.D. 

i2mo,  cloth,  pp.  xii  +  168.     $1.75  net. 
TIRANT  LO  BLANCH.     A  Study  of  its  Authorship,  Principal  Sources 

and  Historical  Setting.     By  Joseph  A.  Vaeth,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth, 

pp.  xvi  +  169.     $2.00  net. 

FRENCH  TERMINOLOGIES  IN  THE  MAKING.  By  Harvey  J. 
Swann,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth,  pp.  xxii  +  250.     $2.25  net. 

THE    EXTRAORDINARY   VOYAGE    IN    FRENCH    LITERATURE 

BEFORE  1700.     By  Geoffroy  Atkinson,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth,  pp. 

xiii  +  189.     $2.00  net. 
INFINITIVE  CONSTRUCTIONS  IN  OLD  SPANISH.     By  Wilfred 

A.  Beardsley,  Ph.D.     8vo,  cloth,  pp.  xiv  +  279.     $2.50  net. 
MODERN    PROVENCAL    PHONOLOGY    AND    MORPHOLOGY. 

STUDIED  IN  THE  LANGUAGE   OF  FREDERIC   MISTRAL. 

By  Harry  E.  Ford,  Ph.D.     8vo,  paper,  pp.  v  +  92.     $1.50  net. 

COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LEMCKE  &  BUECHNER,  Agents 
30-32  East  2otli  Stieet  New  York  City 


UNIVERSITY  or  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


Novi  eissscff 


LD  21-100m.9,'47(A57028l6)476 


YC  01  I  19 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CAUFORNIA  LIBRARY 


II 


I 


